It may be stated as a general rule that if a given area of Indonesia was settled by Chinese in appreciable numbers prior to this [20th] century, Chinese society there is in some degree dichotomous today. In one sector of the society, adults as well as children are Indonesia-born, the orientation toward China is attenuated, and the influence of the individual culture is apparent. In the other sector of the society, the population consists of twentieth-century immigrants and their immediate descendants, who are less acculturated and more strongly oriented toward China. The significance and pervasiveness of the social line between the two sectors varies from one part of Indonesia to another.（一般地，如果印尼的某一特定地区在20世纪之前就有相当数量的华人定居，那么今天此地的华人社会在某种程度上是二元的。該社会的某一羣體无论是老幼都是印尼本土出生的，其親中傾向弱，個體的文化也明顯本土化。在社会的另一部分，人口由二十世纪的中國移民及其直系后代组成，他们的同化程度较低，親中倾向更加强烈。这两个羣體之间的社会界限的重要性和普遍性因印尼的不同地区而异。）
用於識別社羣的其他術語還有土生華人（印尼語：Peranakan）和新客華人（印尼語：Totok)。前者传统上用来描述那些在当地出生的人，源自印尼语单词anak（孩子），因此意味着“土地的孩子”。 后者源自爪哇語，意为新的或纯净的，用于描述外国出生的和新移民[56]。为了确定印尼華人的各個分支，Mely G. Tan（英语：Mely G. Tan）认为必须根据国籍，然后根据他们的文化取向和社会认同[57]。Aimee Dawis指出，自1990年代初以来，基于文化亲和力而不是原籍国的这种定义更有說服力[58]。
社會學家Mely G. Tan（英语：Mely G. Tan）認為，研究華裔移民的學者常將這個群體稱為「整體實體」：海外華人[57]。這種處理方法在印尼也長期存在；大多數人稱他們為Orang Cina或Orang Tionghoa（兩者的意思都是中華人），或Hoakiau（華僑）[d]。他們以前在民族誌文獻中被描述為「印尼華人」，但現在的術語已經發生變化。舊的表述強調該團體的中國血統，而新的描述則強調印尼融合[59]。Aimee Dawis援引著名廖建裕的話說，這種轉變「對於打破他們是一個排外群體的刻板印象來說非常重要」，並且還能在他們中間「促進民族主義意識」[60]。
许多印度尼西亚人，包括華裔印尼人，相信存在一种马来语方言，即“華人馬來語” （印尼語：Melayu Tionghoa 或 Melayu Cina）。19 世纪下半叶土生华人文学的发展催生了这种马来语变体，通过从漢語原文翻译或直接用馬來語創作的 席拉（武術）故事而流行。学者们认为它不同于爪哇语和马来语的混合口语，華人馬來語被认为是“仅由华人使用”[e]。
[E]xcept for a few loan words from Chinese, nothing about 'Chinese Malay' is uniquely Chinese. The language was simply low, bazaar Malay, the common tongue of Java's streets and markets, especially of its cities, spoken by all ethnic groups in the urban and multi-ethnic environment. Because Chinese were a dominant element in the cities and markets, the language was associated with them, but government officials, Eurasians, migrant traders, or people from different language areas, all resorted to this form of Malay to communicate.（除了一些来自漢語的外来词外，“华人马来语”没有什么是华人独有的。语言是低變體，即巴剎马来语，是爪哇街市的通用语言，尤其是城市的通用语言，城市和多民族环境中的所有民族都使用这种语言。 由于华人在城市和市场中占主导地位，语言与他们联系在一起，但政府官员、欧亚裔、移民商人或来自不同语言区的人们都采用这种形式的马来语进行交流。）
——Mary Somers Heidhues，海外華人百科（The Encyclopedia of the Chinese Overseas）[86]
Ellen Rafferty稱，在爪哇，土生華人早在1800年以前就開始說巴剎马来语和一些爪哇語，和外地人交流則多用巴剎马来语。土生華人在1800年以來的一些書面溝通也用了一些爪哇語。這種口語的爪哇語被稱爲ngoko變體。在1800年之後，書面的爪哇語被巴剎马来语所取代。在1945年後，土生華人在家使用一種印尼語化的爪哇語，並在一些本土交流中夾雜一些ngoko爪哇語，在跨地區交流和書面交流使用印尼語[87]。
印尼90%人口為穆斯林，但華人穆斯林只佔少數，根據2010年的人口普查顯示，3.6%的印度尼西亞華人是穆斯林。[93]印尼中华伊斯兰教联合会（Persatuan Islam Tionghoa Indonesia，PITI）等組織協會於已經在19世紀末期已經存在。印度尼西亞華人穆斯林協會（PITI）在1963年重新成立為一個現代化的組織，但有一段時間的沒運作。[95]
印尼孔教總會（ Majelis Tinggi Agama Khonghucu Indonesia , MATAKIN）估計95%的孔教信徒是少數印度尼西亞華人，剩下5%孔教信徒為爪哇族。[96]雖然孔教在印尼又重新恢復法定宗教的地位，但印尼許多地方政府拒絕華人將孔教列為宗教信仰，[97]。
華人文化的影响可以在当地的華人馬來語文学中看到，其历史可以追溯到19世纪末。关于这一主题最早、最全面的著作之一，蘇爾夢（英语：Claudine Salmon）在1981 年出版的《印度尼西亚华人的马来語文学：临时注释书目》（Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia: A Provisional Annotated Bibliography）列出了 3,000 多部作品。这些文献的样本还出版在六卷本的文集中，题为“Kesastraan Melayu Tionghoa dan Kebangsaan Indonesia”（华裔马来語文学与印度尼西亚民族）[115]。
^Suryadinata, Arifin & Ananta (2003，第77頁) used the 31 published volumes of data on the 2000 census and reported 1,738,936 ethnic Chinese citizens, but this figure did not include their population in 19 provinces. Space restrictions in the census publication limited the ethnic groups listed for each province to the eight largest. Ananta, Arifin & Bakhtiar (2008，第23頁) improved upon this figure by calculating directly from the raw census data.
^The latter two terms are derived from the Hokkien Chinese. Sociologist Mely G. Tan argued that these terms "only apply to those who are alien, not of mixed ancestry, and who initially do not plan to stay in Indonesia permanently" (Kahin 1991，第119頁). She also noted that the terms Cina (Tjina in older orthography) and Cino (Tjino) carry a derogatory meaning to earlier generations of immigrants, especially those living on the island of Java. Dawis (2009，第75頁) noted this connotation appears to have faded in later generations.
^Indonesian scholar Dede Oetomo believed "the term 'Chinese Malay' is really a misnomer. There may be a continuity between 'Chinese Malay' and modern Indonesian, especially because the former was also used in the written discourse of members of ethnic groups besides the Chinese in the colonial period and well into the postindependence era" (Kahin 1991，第54頁).
^Statistics. National Immigration Agency, ROC. [2011-02-13]. （原始内容存档于2023-11-01） （中文）.
^Wang Gungwu. Sojourning: the Chinese experience in Southeast Asia'. Anthony Reid (编). Sojourners and settlers: histories of Southeast Asia and the Chinese. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. 1996: 1–9.
^Twang Peck Yang. The Chinese Business Elite in Indonesia and the Transition to Independence, 1940-1950. 1998: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-9835600197.
^ 93.093.1Aris Ananta, Evi Nurvidya Arifin, M Sairi Hasbullah, Nur Budi Handayani, Agus Pramono. Demography of Indonesia's Ethnicity. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2015. p. 273.
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