↑Mehmet Ozkan. "A NEW APPROACH TO GLOBAL SECURITY: PIVOTAL MIDDLE POWERS AND GLOBAL POLITICS" Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs XI.1 (2006): 77-95
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | US". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. The United States beat the regional downward trend, gaining points in five Index measures, and overtaking China in two critical rankings: for diplomatic Influence and future resources. But its gains are dogged by a rapid loss of economic influence.
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | China". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. The country lost points in half of the Index measures. But this has not narrowed the country's lead over the rest of the region, with lower ranked countries succumbing to their own losses.
↑Éric-André Martin and Marie Krpata (October 2021). The Dilemma of Middle Powers: How AUKUS Has Reshaped the Potential for E3 Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific(PDF) (ภาษาอังกฤษ). Vol. 166. Ifri, Notes du Cerfa. ISBN979-10-373-0432-2. คลังข้อมูลเก่าเก็บจากแหล่งเดิม(PDF)เมื่อ 2024-02-17. สืบค้นเมื่อ 8 January 2022. The (US) Department of Defense defined the Indo-Pacific as its "priority theater"...This tilt is an acknowledgment of China's increased role in world economics. China's share in world GDP has risen from 4% in 2000 to 16% today. Since it joined the WTO in 2001 and with the unfolding of the economic and financial crises in 2008-2009, which diminished the West's soft power and economic and financial strengths, China has become the world's powerhouse. This has increasingly led to what may be described today as great-power rivalry between China and the US.
↑ 17.017.1P. Shearman, M. Sussex, European Security After 9/11(Ashgate, 2004) - According to Shearman and Sussex, both the UK and France were great powers now reduced to middle power status.
↑Sperling, James (2001). "Neither Hegemony nor Dominance: Reconsidering German Power in Post Cold-War Europe". British Journal of Political Science. 31 (2): 389–425. doi:10.1017/S0007123401000151.
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | India". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. The next tier of regional powers — Japan and India — have each lost more ground in 2021 than did China. Both countries have fallen just short of the major power threshold of 40 points in 2021... One result of greater bipolarity is that US allies, such as Japan and Australia, and even key balancing powers, such as India, have never been more dependent on American capacity and willingness to sustain a military balance of power in the region.
↑ 22.022.122.222.3Tobias Harris, 'Japan Accepts its "Middle-Power" Fate'. Far Eastern Economic Review Vol. 171, No. 6 (2008), p. 45: 'Japan is settling into a position as a middle power in Asia, sitting uneasily between the U.S., its security ally, and China, its most important economic partner. In this it finds itself in a situation similar to Australia, India, South Korea and the members of Asean.'
↑Charalampos Efstathopoulosa, 'Reinterpreting India's Rise through the Middle Power Prism', Asian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 19, Issue 1 (2011), p. 75: 'India's role in the contemporary world order can be optimally asserted by the middle power concept. The concept allows for distinguishing both strengths and weakness of India's globalist agency, shifting the analytical focus beyond material-statistical calculations to theorise behavioural, normative and ideational parameters.'
↑Robert W. Bradnock, India's Foreign Policy since 1971 (The Royal Institute for International Affairs, London: Pinter Publishers, 1990), quoted in Leonard Stone, 'India and the Central Eurasian Space', Journal of Third World Studies, Vol. 24, No. 2, 2007, p. 183: 'The U.S. is a superpower whereas India is a middle power. A superpower could accommodate another superpower because the alternative would be equally devastating to both. But the relationship between a superpower and a middle power is of a different kind. The former does not need to accommodate the latter while the latter cannot allow itself to be a satellite of the former."
↑Jan Cartwright, 'India's Regional and International Support for Democracy: Rhetoric or Reality?', Asian Survey, Vol. 49, No. 3 (May/June 2009), p. 424: 'India's democratic rhetoric has also helped it further establish its claim as being a rising "middle power." (A "middle power" is a term that is used in the field of international relations to describe a state that is not a superpower but still wields substantial influence globally. In addition to India, other "middle powers" include, for example, Australia and Canada.)'
↑"Operation Alba may be considered one of the most important instances in which Italy has acted as a regional power, taking the lead in executing a technically and politically coherent and determined strategy." See Federiga Bindi, Italy and the European Union (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2011), p. 171.
↑"Italy plays a prominent role in European and global military, cultural and diplomatic affairs. The country's European political, social and economic influence make it a major regional power." See Italy: Justice System and National Police Handbook, Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: International Business Publications, 2009), p. 9.
↑Marco Siddi (October 2018). "Italy's 'Middle Power' Approach to Russia". The International Spectator: Italian Journal of International Affairs (ภาษาอังกฤษ). 54 (2): 123–138. doi:10.1080/03932729.2018.1519765. ISSN0393-2729. S2CID158301312. The definition of 'middle power' is contested and has been the subject of controversy among scholars. According to the Italian interpretation of this concept, Italy is a middle-ranking power with limited natural and military resources and one that can only achieve its foreign policy goals by expanding its influence in international organisations and through bilateral relations with larger powers.
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | Japan". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. The next tier of regional powers — Japan and India — have each lost more ground in 2021 than did China. Both countries have fallen just short of the major power threshold of 40 points in 2021... One result of greater bipolarity is that US allies, such as Japan and Australia, and even key balancing powers, such as India, have never been more dependent on American capacity and willingness to sustain a military balance of power in the region.
↑Robert W. Cox, 'Middlepowermanship, Japan, and Future World Order, International Journal, Vol. 44, No. 4 (1989), pp. 823-862.
↑Neumann, Iver B. (2008). "Russia as a great power, 1815–2007". Journal of International Relations and Development. 11 (2): 128–151 [p. 128]. doi:10.1057/jird.2008.7. As long as Russia's rationality of government deviates from present-day hegemonic neo-liberal models by favouring direct state rule rather than indirect governance, the West will not recognize Russia as a fully fledged great power.
↑Chalmers, Malcolm (May 2015). "A Force for Order: Strategic Underpinnings of the Next NSS and SDSR". Royal United Services Institute. Briefing Paper (SDSR 2015: Hard Choices Ahead): 2. While no longer a superpower (a position it lost in the 1940s), the UK remains much more than a 'middle power'.
↑ 35.035.1Cabada, Ladislav (November 2005). "The New International Role of Small(er) States"(PDF). The Journal of the Central European Political Science Association. 1 (1): 30–45. คลังข้อมูลเก่าเก็บจากแหล่งเดิม(PDF)เมื่อ 2020-08-04. สืบค้นเมื่อ 10 February 2020.
↑ 38.038.138.238.338.4Bernard Wood, 'Towards North-South Middle Power Coalitions', in Middle Power Internationalism: The North-South Dimension, edited by Cranford Pratt (Montreal, McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990).
↑ 41.041.141.241.3Andrew F. Cooper, Agata Antkiewicz and Timothy M. Shaw, 'Lessons from/for BRICSAM about South-North Relations at the Start of the 21st Century: Economic Size Trumps All Else?', International Studies Review, Vol. 9, No. 4 (Winter, 2007), pp. 675, 687.
↑Gladys Lechini, Middle Powers: IBSA and the New South-South Cooperation. NACLA Report on the Americas, Vol. 40, No. 5 (2007): 28-33: 'Today, a new, more selective South-South cooperation has appeared, bringing some hope to the people of our regions. The trilateral alliance known as the India, Brazil, and South Africa Dialogue Forum, or IBSA, exemplifies the trend ... The three member countries face the same problems and have similar interests. All three consider themselves "middle powers" and leaders of their respective regions, yet they have also been subject to pressures from 'Emerging Middle Powers' Soft Balancing Strategy: State and Perspective of the IBSA Dialogue Forum. Hamburg: GIGA, 2007.
↑Peter Vale, 'South Africa: Understanding the Upstairs and the Downstairs', in Niche Diplomacy: Middle Powers After the Cold War, edited by Andrew F. Cooper (London: Macmillan, 1997).
↑Janis Van Der Westhuizen, 'South Africa's Emergence as a Middle Power', Third World Quarterly, Vol. 19, No. 3 (1998), pp. 435-455.
↑Eduard Jordaan, 'Barking at the Big Dogs: South Africa's Foreign Policy Towards the Middle East', Round Table, Vol. 97, No. 397 (2008), pp. 547-549.
↑Flemes, Daniel, Emerging Middle Powers' Soft Balancing Strategy: State and Perspectives of the IBSA Dialogue Forum (1 August 2007). GIGA Working Paper No. 57. doi:10.2139/ssrn.1007692
↑ 57.057.1Yasmi Adriansyah, 'Questioning Indonesia's place in the world', Asia Times (20 September 2011): 'Countries often categorized as middle power (MP) include Australia, Canada and Japan. The reasons for this categorization are the nations' advanced political-economic stature as well as their significant contribution to international cooperation and development. India and Brazil have recently become considered middle powers because of their rise in the global arena—particularly with the emerging notion of BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China).'
↑Louis Belanger and Gordon Mace, 'Middle Powers and Regionalism in the Americas: The Cases of Argentina and Mexico', in Niche Diplomacy: Middle Powers After the Cold War, edited by Andrew F. Cooper (London: Macmillan, 1997).
↑ 66.066.1Pierre G. Goad, 'Middle Powers to the Rescue?', Far Eastern Economic Review, Vol. 163, No. 24 (2000), p. 69.
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | Indonesia". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. Indonesia has for the first time reached a top-ten placement in the Index. Jakarta now outranks Singapore as the most diplomatically influential player in Southeast Asia.
↑ 72.072.1Jonathan H. Ping, Middle Power Statecraft: Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Asia Pacific (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2005).
↑Anoushiravan Ehteshami and Raymond Hinnesbusch, Syria and Iran: Middle Power in a Penetrated Regional System (London: Routledge, 1997).
↑Samhat, Nayef H. (2000). "Middle Powers and American Foreign Policy: Lessons for Irano-U.S. Relations". Policy Studies Journal. 28 (1): 11–26. doi:10.1111/j.1541-0072.2000.tb02013.x.
↑Kim R. Nossal and Richard Stubbs, 'Mahathir's Malaysia: An Emerging Middle Power?' in Niche Diplomacy: Middle Powers After the Cold War, edited by Andrew F. Cooper (London: Macmillan, 1997).
↑Gilbert Rozman, 'South Korea and Sino-Japanese Rivalry: A Middle Power's Options Within the East Asia Core Triangle', Pacific Review, Vol. 20, No. 2 (2007), pp. 197-220.
↑Woosang Kim, 'Korea as a Middle Power in Northeast Asian Security', in The United States and Northeast Asia: Debates, Issues, and New Order, edited by G. John Ikenbgerry and Chung-in Moon (Lantham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008).
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | Singapore". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. Uneven economic impacts and recoveries from the pandemic will likely continue to alter the regional balance of power well into the decade. Only Taiwan, the United States and Singapore are now predicted to have larger economies in 2030 than originally forecast prior to the pandemic.
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | Taiwan". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. Uneven economic impacts and recoveries from the pandemic will likely continue to alter the regional balance of power well into the decade. Only Taiwan, the United States and Singapore are now predicted to have larger economies in 2030 than originally forecast prior to the pandemic.
↑Meltem Myftyler and Myberra Yyksel, 'Turkey: A Middle Power in the New Order', in Niche Diplomacy: Middle Powers After the Cold War, edited by Andrew F. Cooper (London: Macmillan, 1997).
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | Vietnam". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. Three middle powers — Vietnam, Australia and Taiwan — were the only countries to gain in comprehensive power in 2020. When neither the United States nor China can establish undisputed primacy in Asia, the actions and choices of middle powers will become more consequential.
↑Bolton, Matthew; Nash, Thomas (7 May 2010). "The Role of Middle Power–NGO Coalitions in Global Policy: The Case of the Cluster Munitions Ban". Global Policy. Wiley. 1 (2): 172–184. doi:10.1111/j.1758-5899.2009.00015.x.
↑ 123.0123.1Spero, Joshua (2004). Bridging the European Divide. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 206. ISBN9780742535534.
↑ 125.0125.1according to Yves Lacoste, Géopolitique, Larousse, 2009,p. 134, both Spain and Portugal exert a real influence in Africa and in the Americas.
↑"Asia Power Index 2021 Edition | Australia". power.lowyinstitute.org (ภาษาอังกฤษ). สืบค้นเมื่อ 18 December 2021. Three middle powers — Vietnam, Australia and Taiwan — were the only countries to gain in comprehensive power in 2020. When neither the United States nor China can establish undisputed primacy in Asia, the actions and choices of middle powers will become more consequential.