User:TangoFett/sandbox


Algonquian-speaking peoples in North America before European settlement
This page is about the numerous peoples speaking Algonquian languages. For the "Algonquin" of Quebec and Ontario, see Algonquin people.

The Algonquians (/æl.ˈɡɒŋ.k(w)i.ənz/ al-GONG-k(w)ee-ənz;[1]) are one of the most populous and widespread North American Indigenous American groups, consisting of the peoples who speak Algonquian languages. They historically were prominent along the Atlantic Coast and in the interior regions along St. Lawrence River and around the Great Lakes.[2]

Before contact with Europeans, most Algonquian settlements lived by hunting and fishing, with many of them supplementing their diet by cultivating corn, beans and squash (the "Three Sisters"). The Ojibwe cultivated wild rice.[3]

Algonquian nations played significant roles in the early colonial history of North America and were the first Native Americans encountered by English and French powers. Support from nations such as the Powhatan and Wampanoag had been instrumental in the initial survival of the earliest English colonies. They were essential to the fur trade, often tightly controlling it themselves (along with the Iroquoian-speaking Haudenosaunee), and diplomatic alliances and conflicts with European or Euro-American powers frequently shaped the balance of power of Atlantic North America. The effects of ever-encroaching settler colonialism, genocide, warfare, displacement and epidemics contributed to severe population loss and dispossession of ancestral lands.

Etymology

The word "Algonquian" ultimately derives from the Algonquin people of southwestern Quebec. Although Algonquin people often call themselves Omàmiwininì or Anicinàpe,[citation needed] the English word for their people may be based on the Maliseet word elakómkwik (IPA: [ɛlæˈɡomoɡwik]): "they are our relatives/allies."[4][5]

now how did the word be used to apply to a language family? will need the history here

History

Pre-contact

See also: Algonquian languages
Projectile points attributed to the Meadowood complex (c. 1000 BCE) of the northeastern United States and Canadian Maritimes. Proponents of an early Proto-Algonquian formation suggest they could represent true arrowheads rather than atlatl darts.
Middle Woodland archaeological groupings of the lower Atlantic Northeast. The Point Peninsula complex can be seen at top right.

Reconstructing the pre-contact history of Algonquian cultures has involved combining data from linguistic, archaeological, and Indigenous oral sources. Exactly when and where the Proto-Algonquian (PA) language evolved from its much older Algic family (which has non-Algonquian examples, Wiyot and Yurok, in California) has been the subject of decades of debate; however, currently discussed estimates place the PA urheimat within the northern Great Lakes region between 4,000 - 2,500 years ago.[6][7][8] From there, migrations spread from all directions at different time periods. Linguist Ives Goddard considered the Blackfoot language, spoken in Alberta and Montana, to have diverged the earliest from the rest of the Algonquian stock, followed by the Arapaho, Cree, Cheyenne, Menominee, the "Core Central" branch, and finally the Eastern Algonquian branch.[9]

Algonquianists studying the Proto-Algonquian language often refer to the reconstructed lexicon published by Frank Siebert in 1975,[10] the first substantial such reconstruction that built upon Leonard Bloomfield's initial works and methods.[11] By applying Bloomfield's principles for reconstructing PA, Siebert analyzed likely cognates for plants and animals using a Wörter und Sachen approach. These indicated a PA homeland nested more or less firmly within the Ontario Peninsula, existing anywhere between 1200 to 900 BCE.[12] Additionally, there are an elaborate diversity of terms associated with water, watercraft, fishing, and other aquatic resources (including harbor seals), strongly indicative of lifestyles based heavily around the Great Lakes and surrounding lakes and rivers.[13] The original PA social structure may, similar to the Cree, have consisted of small groups of families that seasonally joined with relatives in large camps. The need for cooperation and labor beyond the local village level in order to maximize the seasonal bounty of fish — and to continually maintain those distant connections — is also likely to have encouraged the complex system of clans, moieties, and sodalities seen in many Algonquian cultures (for example, the Anishinaabe system).[14] Such networking systems would have allowed Proto-Algonquian groups to build alliances, trade, and maintain connections across vast distances while also providing many avenues to integrate outsiders, just as did historic Algonquian societies.[15] Siebert's reconstructed PA also contains terms for "gourd/squash" and "calabash", as well as terms for sowing seeds; it is likely that Proto-Algonquians already had access to some basic crops of the ancient Eastern Agricultural Complex (especially gourds, useful for containers and net floats), but did not heavily rely on them for their diet.[16][17][18]

One reconstructed PA word important to understanding the migration history is for "bow".[a] Traditionally, the introduction of the bow and arrow from the Subarctic is thought to have taken place near the beginning of the Late Woodland (500 - 1000 CE), suggested by the apparent rapid replacement of larger notched/stemmed points with small, thinner triangular types and the end of complex cultural groups such as the Hopewell thought to represent the upheaval brought by this new weapon.[19][20] Although "arrowhead" points overwhelmingly dominate the context after this date, researchers have increasingly suggested that the bow may have been used in the upper Northeast as far back as the Late Archaic, coexisting with the atlatl.[b] This would reconcile the existence of the PA term with what else has been determined about their homeland and timeframe. Many early Siouan languages also appear to have adopted their terms for bows from Algonquian languages;[24] through their expansions, Algonquian-speaking peoples are suggested to be the primary agents spreading and popularizing the bow into the rest of North America.[17][25]

Researchers Alvin H. Luckenbach, Wayne E. Clark, and Richard S. Levy posit some of the earliest dates in recent literature for Proto-Algonquian evolution and expansion. Based on their own interpretation of Siebert's data for the PA urheimat, projected lifestyles and archaeological correlations, the work of other researchers linking the continuity of early archaeological complexes, as well as the presence of PA words for copper, earthworks/entrenchement, shell beads, they propose Proto-Algonquian ancestors had affinities with the Late Archaic Glacial Kame and Red Ocher complexes of the eastern Great Lakes region (and possibly as far back as the Old Copper complex). In turn, they believe these complexes led to the development of the Meadowood Interaction Sphere.[26][27] Dating from roughly 3,000 to 2,500 years ago, Meadowood is characterized by more elaborate mortuary practices, the widespread distribution of Onondaga chert from Michigan to Nova Scotia and a set of shared material styles. Meadowood groups are also thought to have served as middlemen traders between groups from the Great Lakes and Atlantic seaboard.[22] Luckenbach et al. identify the Meadowood sphere with the initial expansion of Proto-Algonquian groups starting around 1200 BCE near the Finger Lakes, who stayed connected to their homeland and with related groups along family, clan and sodal lines. Aided by the ease of canoe routes, they exchanged new resources among themselves and interred their dead in the same burial grounds under the same mortuary practices.[27][28] They also identify the Middlesex complex of New York, associated with the Adena culture of the Ohio valley,[29] as a subset of Meadowood and the Adena culture itself as associated with Proto-Central Algonquians; thus, the continued Adena influence on Middlesex/Meadowood is explained as continued kinship interactions between Central and Eastern Algonquians.[30][27]

Another prominent Algonquianist, Stuart J. Fiedel, has heavily critiqued the model of Luckenbach et al. He noted that their glottochronological divergence estimates were placed nearly a thousand years after the latest known Adena presence, and found their connection of the Adena culture with PA to be highly improbable given Siebert's placement of the urheimat in Ontario (of which he and they are in agreement). Fiedel's methodology, using techniques updated for its time, likewise suggested dates significantly later than Adena and Meadowood. Keeping the PAs in southern Ontario, he noted that the earliest indications of pottery as well as the moment that earthworks became popular in the region was around 600 - 500 BCE, and smoking pipes occurring at around 800 BCE; this coincided with his estimates that placed the evolution of PA no earlier than the Early Woodland period (1000 - 200 BCE) and probably well within it. Fiedel emphasized that although evidence suggests an ancient (though not predominant) history of the bow in the Northeast (thus, the PAs would have been familiar with it), the drastic lithic changes of the Late Woodland still strongly represent the incipient diffusion of the bow via waves of migrants. He also cited two separate oral histories by the Nanticoke and Virginia Algonquians, both of which dated their arrival from the north into the Chesapeake region at around 1300 CE, as an indication that the waves of Algonquian migrations occurred relatively late.[7]

Fiedel's migration model, based on the above familiarities, identifies the first expansions of Proto-Algonquians with the spread of the Point Peninsula complex, whose earliest manifestations (and, from its Saugeen variant, the oldest known pottery north of the Great Lakes)[7] trace back to the Ontario Peninsula in 600 BCE and eventually spread well eastward. A population hiatus in the Northeast starting around 700 BCE may have given the proto-Algonquian migrants the opportunity to expand with little resistance; if they had the bow at this time, Fiedel believed it may have lent them an advantage.[7] Fiedel joined and cited earlier archaeologists in connecting the PAs to Point Peninsula; one, William A. Ritchie, noted that key diagnostics of Point Peninsula ceramics could be found from New Brunswick, across New England (present by 200 BCE), central New York (by 200 CE) to potentially as far west as Manitoba, noting that sherds from Minnesota and New Hampshire were nearly identical.[17][31] At the same time that Point Peninsula sites spread into New England, pottery from the Laurel complex (which Ritchie identified as related to Early Point Peninsula) had spread from Quebec to Saskatchewan, and Fiedel considered they may represent ancestors of the Cree.[17] By focusing on pottery, a female-dominated craft in many Native American societies, Fiedel argues this is likely to represent the migration of ethnic communities themselves and/or the ability of women to communicate their ideas across a shared territory.[32] After this point, Fiedel saw Algonquian speakers as "fringe participants" of the Hopewell tradition and may have carried on some of these ideas of long-distance trade.[24] Starting from linguistic data, Fiedel also postulates a second wave of expansion nearly a thousand years later that initiated the divergence of Eastern Algonquian from the Central languages, associated with Delaware's Webb complex with its exotic goods and Jack's Reef points.[7] Fiedel surmises that the volcanic winter of 536 may have been a strong (though not sole) trigger for southward migrations, or even contributed to the Hopewell decline.[24] Between 450 - 700 CE material related to the Laurel complex and groups from Michigan, using Jack's Reef points, appear in northern Ohio, including the Intrusive Mound culture which buried their dead within older Hopewell mounds. Fiedel identified these groups as ancestral to the Shawnee of Ohio and related Kickapoo and Sac and Fox of Michigan. By 600 CE the Webb complex proper appears in Delaware, which Fiedel used to mark the migration of Algonquians into the Mid-Atlantic.[7] Fiedel's model is often used by Mid-Atlantic archaeologists studying Algonquian migrations.[33]

Contact with Iroquoian-speaking groups was a major milestone in the evolution of Algonquian societies. Much like Proto-Algonquian, the debate over the geographic origins of Proto-Iroquoian remains ongoing, with some camps of researchers seeing a Late Archaic in-situ development of an Iroquoian "island" amidst a "sea" of Algonquian speakers in the Finger Lakes region[34] and other groups seeing the Proto-Iroquoian urheimat developing much further southwest, with much more recent (6th - 15th centuries CE) migrations into what is now New York.[35][36] Under the Iroquoian intrusion model, the subsequent population displacements are seen as responsible for a linguistic separation between the language groups east and west of the Iroquoian-occupied territory, further delineating Eastern Algonquian from the other groups.[37][7] Both camps agree, however, that the rise in intensive maize agriculture was first an Iroquoian trait (perhaps influenced by the growing Mississippian culture) that diffused to their Algonquian neighbors. Maize has been identified in the eastern Great Lakes region as far back as 300 BCE[38] and appears in ceremonial contexts in Hopewell sites;[39] however, EAC plants remained the primary subsistence crops. Maize may have been a ritual crop at this time under the control of chiefs and shamans, but regular trade and intermarriage with Iroquoians, who practiced matrilineal ownership of women-worked fields, would have introduced maize as a subsistence crop among Algonquian peoples after 1100 CE and perhaps also changed concepts of patrilineally owned land in some Algonquian bands to matrilineal ones (except for tobacco fields). Beans were adopted after 1300 CE,[40] and with the local EAC squash varieties this would finalize Three Sisters agriculture in the region. Unlike in the Southeast, Eastern and some Central Algonquians continued the cultivation of many EAC crops such as goosefoot, marshelder and sunflower[41][42] while adding the Jerusalem artichoke as an additional major crop.[43] Sunflower, especially, remained a major economic and subsistence oilseed crop for most agricultural Algonquians and their neighbors from the Eastern Seaboard to the northern Plains.[42][44]

Cree tipi

A 1585 sketch of the Algonquian village of Pomeiock near present-day Gibbs Creek in North Carolina.[45]

Colonial period

Further information: Colonial history of the United States

At the time of European arrival in North America, Algonquian peoples resided in present-day Canada east of the Rocky Mountains, New England, New Jersey, southeastern New York, Delaware, and down the Atlantic Coast to the Upper South, and around the Great Lakes in present-day Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. At the time of European contact, the hegemonic Iroquois Confederacy, based in present-day New York and Pennsylvania, was regularly at war with their Algonquian neighbors.[citation needed]

New England area

Colonists in the Massachusetts Bay area first encountered the Wampanoag, Massachusett, Nipmuc, Pennacook, Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, and Quinnipiac. The Mohegan, Pequot, Pocumtuc, Podunk, Tunxis, and Narragansett were based in southern New England. The Abenaki were located in northern New England: present-day Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont in what became the United States and eastern Quebec in what became Canada. They traded with French colonists who settled along the Atlantic coast and the Saint Lawrence River. The Mahican were located in western New England in the upper Hudson River Valley (around present-day Albany, New York). These groups cultivated crops, hunted, and fished.[46]

The Algonquians of New England (who spoke Eastern Algonquian), practised a seasonal economy. The basic social unit was the village: a few hundred people related by a clan kinship structure. Villages were temporary and mobile. The people moved to locations of greatest natural food supply, often breaking into smaller units or gathering as the circumstances required. This custom resulted in a certain degree of intertribal mobility, especially in troubled times.[citation needed]

In warm weather, they constructed portable wigwams, a type of hut usually with buckskin doors. In the winter, they erected the more substantial longhouses, in which more than one clan could reside. They cached food supplies in more permanent, semi-subterranean structures.[citation needed]

In the spring, when the fish were spawning, they left the winter camps to build villages at coastal locations and waterfalls. In March, they caught smelt in nets and weirs, moving about in birch bark canoes. In April, they netted alewife, sturgeon and salmon. In May, they caught cod with hook and line in the ocean; and trout, smelt, striped bass and flounder in the estuaries and streams. Putting out to sea, they hunted whales, porpoises, walruses and seals. They gathered scallops, mussels, clams and crabs[47] and, in southern New Jersey, harvested clams year-round.[48]

From April through October, natives hunted migratory birds and their eggs: Canada geese, brant, mourning doves and others. In July and August they gathered strawberries, raspberries, blueberries and nuts. In September, they split into small groups and moved up the streams to the forest. There, they hunted beaver, caribou, moose and white-tailed deer.[49]

In December, when the snows began, the people created larger winter camps in sheltered locations, where they built or reconstructed longhouses. February and March were lean times. The tribes in southern New England and other northern latitudes had to rely on cached food. Northerners developed a practice of going hungry for several days at a time. Historians hypothesize that this practice kept the population down, with some invoking Liebig's law of the minimum.[citation needed]

The southern Algonquians of New England relied predominantly on slash and burn agriculture.[50][51][52][53][54][55] They cleared fields by burning for one or two years of cultivation, after which the village moved to another location. This is the reason the English found the region relatively cleared and ready for planting. By using various kinds of native corn (maize), beans and squash, southern New England natives were able to improve their diet to such a degree that their population increased and they reached a density of 287 people per 100 square miles as opposed to 41 in the north.[56]

Scholars estimate that, by the year 1600, the indigenous population of New England had reached 70,000–100,000.[56]

Midwest

The French encountered Algonquian peoples in this area through their trade and limited colonization of New France along the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. The historic peoples of the Illinois Country were the Shawnee, Illiniwek, Kickapoo, Menominee, Miami, Sauk and Meskwaki. The latter were also known as the Sac and Fox, and later known as the Meskwaki Indians, who lived throughout the present-day Midwest of the United States.[57]

During the nineteenth century, many Native Americans from east of the Mississippi River were displaced over great distances through the United States passage and enforcement of Indian removal legislation; they forced the people west of the Mississippi River to what they designated as Indian Territory. After the US extinguished Indian land claims, this area was admitted as the state of Oklahoma in the early 20th century.[57]

Upper west

Ojibwe/Chippewa, Odawa, Potawatomi, and a variety of Cree groups lived in Upper Peninsula of Michigan, Western Ontario, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and the Canadian Prairies. The Arapaho, Blackfoot and Cheyenne developed as indigenous to the Great Plains.[58]

Tribal identity

The Algonquian peoples include and have included historical populations in:


List of historic Algonquian-speaking peoples

See also

  • Doctors Dean R. Snow and William A. Starna – Archeologists and historians who have conducted ground-breaking archeological research in the Mohawk Valley and other Algonquian and Iroquoian sites.
  • Sagaiguninini – An alleged sub-nation that existed at least from 1630 to 1640.

Notes

  1. ^ Siebert: *aˀta.pya, from *aˀt-, "placed in position/set in place" and noun final *-a.py-, "cord, string", and for shooting (from a bow) *nepemota, "I shoot it".[10]: 319, 382 Cite error: The <ref> tag name cannot be a simple integer (see the help page). The latter was pointed out by Fiedel[17] as separate from known terms for throwing (as in a dart).
  2. ^ Based on their shape and size (and the absence of birdstones and boatstones thought to represent atlatl weights), it has been argued by James V. Wright and Wayne Clark that Meadowood points may represent arrows,[21][8]: 41  although Karine Taché[22]: 59–66  in her doctoral thesis on the Meadowood complex, using methods aimed at differentiating dart from arrow points and analyzing use wear, determined the points were likely non-arrow projectile points. Point types found at the Crawford Knoll site in the Ontario Peninsula, dating to about 1500 BCE, have also been proposed to be arrowheads, although later periods seem to suggest a shift back to atlatl use or at least a general-purpose function for the Crawford points.[23]. See also Shott 1993 for a discussion on evolving perspectives toward Woodland bows, atlatls and interpretation of their respective points.[19]

References

  1. ^ Dictionary.com: Algonquian.
  2. ^ Stoltz, Julie Ann (2006). "Book Review of "The Continuance—An Algonquian Peoples Seminar: Selected Research Papers 2000", edited by Shirley Dunn, 2004, New York State Education Department, Albany, New York, 144 pages, $19.95 (paper)". Northeast Historical Archaeology. 35 (1): 201–202. doi:10.22191/neha/vol35/iss1/30. ISSN 0048-0738.
  3. ^ Raster, Amanda; Hill, Christina Gish (2016-05-24). "The dispute over wild rice: an investigation of treaty agreements and Ojibwe food sovereignty". Agriculture and Human Values. 34 (2): 267–281. doi:10.1007/s10460-016-9703-6. ISSN 0889-048X. S2CID 55940408.
  4. ^ Campbell (1997:401 n. 133, 136)
  5. ^ Bright, William (2004). Native American Place Names of the United States. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, pg. 32
  6. ^ Goddard, Ives (1978). "Central Algonquian Languages". In Trigger, Bruce G. (ed.). Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 15. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. pp. 583–587.
  7. ^ a b c d e f g Fiedel, Stuart J. (1991). "Middle Woodland Algonquian expansion: A refined model". North American Archaeologist. 11 (3): 209–230.
  8. ^ a b Clark, Wayne E. (2019). Algonquian cultures of the Delaware and Susquehanna River drainages: A migration model. William and Mary Center for Archaeological Research (Report). Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office. pp. 35, 50, 53.
  9. ^ Goddard, Ives (1994). "The West-to-East Cline in Algonquian Dialectology". In Cowan, William (ed.). Papers of the 25th Algonquian Conference. Ottawa: Carleton University. pp. 187–211.
  10. ^ a b Siebert, Frank T. (1975). "Resurrecting Virginia Algonquian from the dead: The reconstituted and historical phonology of Powhatan". In Crawford, J. M. (ed.). Studies in Southeastern Indian Languages. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press. pp. 285–453.
  11. ^ Goddard, Ives (1998). "Frank T. Siebert, Jr. (1912–1998)". Anthropological Linguistics. 40 (3). The Trustees of Indiana University: 481–498.
  12. ^ Siebert, Frank T. (1967). "The Original Home of the Proto-Algonquian People". National Museum of Canada Bulletin. 214 (Anthropology Series 78): 13–45.
  13. ^ Clark 2019, pp. 25–27.
  14. ^ Clark, p. 44.
  15. ^ Clark, pp. 24, 34, 43–45, 62.
  16. ^ Clark, p. 35.
  17. ^ a b c d e Fiedel, Stuart J. (1987). "Algonquian Origins: A Problem in Archeological—Linguistic Correlation". Archaeology of Eastern North America: 1–11.
  18. ^ Fiedel, Stuart J. (1994). "Some Inferences Concerning Proto-Algonquian Economy and Society". Northeast Anthropology. 48: 1–11.
  19. ^ a b Shott, Michael J. (1993). "Spears, darts, and arrows: Late Woodland hunting techniques in the Upper Ohio Valley". American Antiquity. 58 (3): 425–443.
  20. ^ Blitz, John H. (1988). "Adoption of the bow in prehistoric North America". North American Archaeologist. 9 (2): 123–145.
  21. ^ Wright, James V. (1994). "The Prehistoric Transportation of Goods in the St. Lawrence River Basin". In Baugh, T. G.; Ericson, J. E. (eds.). Prehistoric Exchange Systems in North America. New York: Plenum Press. pp. 47–71.
  22. ^ a b Taché, Karine (2008). Structure and Regional Diversity of the Meadowood Interaction Sphere. Department of Archaeology (Doctor of Philosophy thesis). Burnaby, British Columbia: Simon Fraser University.
  23. ^ Snarey, Kristen; Ellis, Chris (2008). "Evidence for Bow and Arrow Use in the Small Point Late Archaic of Southwestern Ontario". Ontario Archaeology. 85–88: 21–38.
  24. ^ a b c Fiedel, Stuart J. (2013). "Are Ancestors of Contact Period Ethnic Groups Recognizable in the Archaeological Record of the Early Late Woodland?". Archaeology of Eastern North America: 221–229.
  25. ^ Clark, p. 41-42.
  26. ^ Clark, pp. 18, 40, 44, 71.
  27. ^ a b c Luckenbach, Alvin H.; Clark, Wayne E.; Levy, Richard S. (1987). "Rethinking cultural stability in eastern North American prehistory: Linguistic evidence from Eastern Algonkian". Journal of Middle Atlantic Archaeology. 3: 1–33.
  28. ^ Clark, pp. 18, 34.
  29. ^ Ritchie, William A.; Dragoo, Don W. (1959). "The eastern dispersal of Adena". American Antiquity. 25 (1): 43–50.
  30. ^ Clark, pp. v, 18–19.
  31. ^ Ritchie, William A. (1965). The Archaeology of New York State. Garden City, NY: Natural History Press. p. 211.
  32. ^ Fiedel, Stuart J. (1991). "Correlating archaeology and linguistics: the Algonquian case". Man in the Northeast. 41: 9–32.
  33. ^ Clark, p. 18.
  34. ^ Schillaci, Michael A.; Kopris, Craig; Wichmann, Søren; Dewar, Genevieve (2017). "Linguistic clues to Iroquoian prehistory". Journal of Anthropological Research. 73 (3): 448–485.
  35. ^ Fox, William; Garrad, C. (2004). "Hurons in an Algonquian land". Ontario Archaeology. 77: 121–134.
  36. ^ Williamson, R.F. (2012). "Chapter 23: What Will Be Has Always Been: the Past and Present of Northern Iroquoians". In Pauketat, Timothy (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of North American Archaeology. Oxford University Press. pp. 273–285.
  37. ^ Clark, pp. 7, 8.
  38. ^ Hart, John P. (2022). "Tracing Maize History in Northern Iroquoia Through Radiocarbon Date Summed Probability Distributions". Open Archaeology. 8 (1): 594–607.
  39. ^ Clark, p. 37.
  40. ^ Clark, p. 38.
  41. ^ Reamer, Justin M. (2024). "Evidence for the Eastern Agricultural Complex Crops in the Upper Delaware Valley: Botanical Analysis from the Manna Site (36Pi4)". American Antiquity. 89 (3): 512–526.
  42. ^ a b Hart, John P.; Rieth, Christina B., eds. (2002). Northeast subsistence-settlement change, A.D. 700-A.D. 1300. New York State Museum bulletin. Vol. 496. Albany: New York State Museum/New York State Education Department.
  43. ^ Bock, Dan G.; Kane, Nolan C.; Ebert, Daniel P.; Rieseberg, Loren H. (November 18, 2013). "Genome skimming reveals the origin of the Jerusalem Artichoke tuber crop species: neither from Jerusalem nor an artichoke". New Phytologist. 201 (3): 1021–1030. doi:10.1111/nph.12560. PMID 24245977. Retrieved August 21, 2023.
  44. ^ Smith, Bruce D., ed. (2025). Subsistence Economies of Indigenous North American Societies: A Handbook. Smithsonian Institution Scholarly Press. pp. 488–489.
  45. ^ "The towne of Pomeiock", Encyclopedia Virginia
  46. ^ "Algonquin Indians". AAA Native Arts. 12 August 2015. Retrieved 2020-04-14.
  47. ^ Mark Kurlansky, 2006 [page needed]
  48. ^ Dreibelbis, 1978, page 33
  49. ^ "Algonquian peoples". www.know.cf. Retrieved 2020-04-14.[permanent dead link]
  50. ^ Stevenson W. Fletcher, Pennsylvania Agriculture and Country Life 1640-1840 (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 1950), 2, 35-37, 63-65, 124.
  51. ^ Day, Gordon M. (1953). "The Indian as an Ecological Factor in the Northeastern Forests". Ecology. 34 (2): 329–346. Bibcode:1953Ecol...34..329D. doi:10.2307/1930900. JSTOR 1930900.
  52. ^ New England and New York areas 1580-1800, 1953. Note: The Lenni Lenape (Delaware) in New Jersey and the Massachuset in Massachusetts used fire in ecosystems
  53. ^ Russell, Emily W.B. Vegetational Change in Northern New Jersey Since 1500 A.D.: A Palynological, Vegetational and Historical Synthesis, Ph.D. dissertation. New Brunswick, PA: Rutgers University. Author notes on page 8 that Indians often augmented lightning fires. 1979
  54. ^ Russell, Emily W.B. (1983). "Indian Set Fires in the Forests of the Northeastern United States". Ecology. 64 (1): 78–88. Bibcode:1983Ecol...64...78R. doi:10.2307/1937331. JSTOR 1937331. Author found no strong evidence that Indians purposely burned large areas, but they did burn small areas near their habitation sites. Noted that the Lenna Lenape used fire.
  55. ^ Gowans, William. "A Brief Description of New York, Formerly Called New Netherland with the Places Thereunto Adjoining, Likewise a Brief Relation of the Customs of the Indians There." New York, NY: 1670. Reprinted in 1937 by the Facsimile Text Society, Columbia University Press, New York. Notes that the Lenni Lenape (Delaware) in New Jersey used fire in ecosystems.
  56. ^ a b Cronon, William (1983). Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England. New York: Hill and Wang. p. 42. ISBN 978-0-8090-0158-3.
  57. ^ a b "History | Meskwaki Nation". Archived from the original on 2020-04-12. Retrieved 2020-04-14.
  58. ^ "Ojibwe". www.tolatsga.org. Retrieved 2020-04-14.

Further reading

  • Melissa Otis, Rural Indigenousness: A History of Iroquoian and Algonquian Peoples of the Adirondacks. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2018.
  • Wikimedia Commons logo Media related to TangoFett/sandbox at Wikimedia Commons



Content Disclaimer

Informasi ini disarikan dari Wikipedia dan disajikan kembali untuk tujuan edukasi. Konten tersedia di bawah lisensi CC BY-SA 3.0. Kami tidak bertanggung jawab atas ketidakakuratan data yang bersumber dari kontribusi publik tersebut.

  1. The information displayed on this website is sourced in part or in whole from Wikipedia and has been adapted for the purpose of restating it. We strive to provide accurate and relevant information, however:
  2. There is no guarantee of absolute accuracy. Wikipedia is an open, collaborative project that can be edited by anyone, so information is subject to change.
  3. It is not intended to constitute professional advice. The content displayed is for informational and educational purposes only. For important decisions (e.g., medical, legal, or financial), please consult a professional.
  4. Content copyright. Wikipedia is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License (CC BY-SA). This means that content may be reused with appropriate attribution and shared under a similar license.
  5. Responsible use. Any risk arising from the use of information from this website is entirely the responsibility of the user.