Asiatic Researches ; or, Transactions of the Society instituted in Bengal, for inquiring into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences, and Literature, of Asia. VoL'V. Svo. 10s. 6d. Boards. Sew ell. 1799. I. Historical Remarks on the Coast of Malabar. With some Description of the Manners of its Inhabitants. By Jonathan Duncan, Esq.'

A part of this account is translated from a work in the Malabaric language, entitled Kerul Oodputte, the emerging of the country of Kerul. This is a strip of land bounded by the sea on the welt, and the Sukhien mountains on the east, extending southward to Cape Comorin, evidently gained from the sea, end giving a probable origin to the legendary tale, of its being obtained by Pureseu Rama as a reward for the bramins, to atone for the blood shed in his wars against the Khetrv tribe.

The political system of the last rajahs of this country was developed about one thousand years since; and, before the expedition of Vasco de Gama, the Nestoiians had settled and planted Christianity in this part of India. The account of the customs of the inhabitants of Malabar is curious, and is translated from the description of Zeirreddin Mukhdom, an ally of the Indian princes in their wars.

The author from whom Mr. Duncan copies mentions the commerce of pepper and ginger as the cause of the Portuguese settlements; and to the commercial jealousy which arose between that nation and the Mohammedan traders, he attributes the various wars afterwards excited between the Mohammedans and Zamorins on one side, and the rajah of Cochin, assisted by his European allies, on the other. The Mohammedan author complains heavily of the oppressions of the Christians ; and his account is illustrated by (though in some degree contrasted with) that of Cæsar Fredcricke, who travelled about the period at which Zeirreddin's narrative closes. The Dutch succeeded the Portuguese; and the history proceeds without any very remarkable events till the year 1765, when Hyder Ali first appeared in this part of the coast. Those who read the following extract may perhaps consider the late events as a kind of retributive justice : at least it is curious to retrace the first appearance of an actor once so celebrated. The description was given to Mr. Duncan by the present Zamorin.

" In the Malabar year 941, A. D. 1765-6, Hyder Ali Khan came with an army of fifty thousand men into Mulyalum, or Mullewar, (both terms meaning the Malabar country), and waged war with my maternal uncle ; and having defeated him, took possession of his dominion. My uncle sent a vakeel (or ambassador) to Hyder Ali Khan, to request that his country might be restored to him, and agreed to pay any tribute which might be settled. Hyder gave a very favourable reception to the ambassador, but informed him, that, as he could not place entire reliance on his word, he proposed himself to depute two persons, by name Sree Newaus Rao and Mookut Rao, to the rajah, to communicate- his views; adding, that the rajah might trust to his honour, and go' to meet him, when he would fettle with him the terms that might be concerted between them. The vakeel came back with Hyder"s men to the late rajah, and informed him of what had passed; whereupon the raj.1 h intimated his apprehensions of Hyder, whom he spoke of as a man of a quarrelsome disposition, and who had disgraced many jxrions Of high rank, and who would probably be disposed to inflict some mark of disgrace upon him also wherefore he (the r.ij.h) declared, that he would place his reliance not so much on Hyder, as upon the assurances from his two agents, who, being both Brahmans, he would, on their swearing by their brahmenical threads, by the falgram, (a stone sacred among the Hindus), and by their swords, that he should return in safety, consent to accompany them, to have an interview with ^Hyder; to all which they agreed ; and as Hyder's army was at Toorstiery, the rajah, my uncle, went with Sree Nevvaus Rao and Mookut Rao to meet, Hyder, who advanced to Coorumnar, where the meeting took place.

" During the interview, they conversed about the country : but Hyder soon broke off the conference, by demanding of the rajah a crore of gold mohurs ; upon which the latter assured him, if he were to fell the whole of the Calicut country, he could not get near that sum for it; but that he would deliver the whole of his treasure, and other property, and pay him as much as was in his power : yet Hyder was not satisfied with this offer, but caused the rajah to be seized, and imprisoned ;■ and sent him under a guard of five hundred horse, and two thousand infantry, to the fort of Calicut; and the rajah was confined in his own house without food, and was strictly prohibited from performing the ceremonies of his religion; and as he thought that Hyder might inflict some further disgrace upon him, either by causing him to be hanged, or blown from a gun, the rajah set fire to the house with his own hand, and was consumed in it.' p. 30.

The rest os Hyder's conduct was equally violent and treacherous ; bur, having traced the first appearance of the meteor, we may now contemplate its extinction. Pg. 374 - 376 Title The Critical review, or, Annals of literature Author Tobias George Smollett Publisher W. Simpkin and R. Marshall, 1800 Original from Princeton University http://books.google.com/books?id=HYlHAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_v2_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q=&f=false

We are now come to a period when the European powers began to be interested in the affairs of Hindostán. The Cape of Good Hope had been doubled in the reign of John II., king of Portugal : Emanuel, his successor, equipped four ships, for the discovery of the Indian coast, and gave the command to Vasco de Gama, who, having weathered several storms in his cruise along the eastern coast of Africa, landed in Hindostán, after a voyage of thirteen months. This country, which has since been almost entirely reduced by war under a foreign yoke, was, at the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, divided between the kings of Cambaya, Delhi, Bisnagur, Narzingua, and Calicut, each of which reckoned several sovereigns among their tributaries. The last of these monarchs, who is better known by the name of zamorin, which signifies emperor, possessed the most maritime states, and his empire extended over all Malabar. Vasco de Gama having informed himself of these particulars when he touched at Melinda, hired an able pilot to conduct him to that port in which trade was the most flourishing. Here he fortunately met with a Moor of Tunis, who understood the Portuguese language, and he put himself under his direction. He procured Gama an audience of the zamorin, who proposed an alliance and a treaty of commerce with the king his master. This was upon the point of being concluded, when the Mussulmen interfered, who so far swayed the monarch from his purpose, that he resolved to destroy the adventurers, to whom he had just before given so favourable a reception. The zamorin, who wanted neither power nor inclination, wanted courage to put his design into execution ; and Gama was permitted to return to his fleet : he sailed for Lisbon, which he reached in safety, and was received with rapturous joy by the people. The pope gave to Portugal all the coasts they should discover in the east ; and a second expedition soon after took place, under the command of Alvarez Cabrai, consisting of thirteen vessels. They first visited Calicut, where fifty Portuguese were massacred by the inhabitants, through the intrigues of the Moors. Cabrai, in revenge, burnt all the Arabian vessels in the harbour, cannonaded the town, and then sailed to Cochin, and from thence to Cananor. The kings of both these towns gave him spices, gold, and silver, and proposed an alliance with him against the zamorin, to whom they were tributaries. Other kings followed their example ; and this infatuation became so general, that the Portuguese gave the law to almost the whole country of Malabar. The port of Lisbon now become the grand mart of Indian commodities. To secure and extend these advantages, it was necessary to establish a system of power and commerce. With a view to these objects, the court of Portugal wisely reposed its confidence in Alphonso Albuquerque, the most discerning of all the Portuguese that had been in India. The new viceroy acquitted himself beyond expectation. He fixed upon Goa, where there was a good harbour and wholesome air, as an establishment, being situated in the middle of Malabar, belonging to the king of the Deccan;.and this soon after became the metropolis of all the Portuguese settlements in India. As the government soon changed its schemes of trade into projects of conquest, the nation, which had never been guided by the true commercial spirit, soon assumed that of rapine and plunder. In reference to this we may observe, that of all the conquests made by the Portuguese in India, they possess at present only Macao, Diu, and Goa : and the united importance of these three settlements in their intercourse with India and Portugal is very inconsiderable.

Title The treasury of history: comprising a general introductory outline of universal history, ancient and modern, and a series of separate histories of every principal nation ... To which is added The history of the United States, Volume 2 The Treasury of History: Comprising a General Introductory Outline of Universal History, Ancient and Modern, and a Series of Separate Histories of Every Principal Nation ... To which is Added The History of the United States, Samuel Maunder Authors Samuel Maunder, John Inman Publisher D. Adee, 1845 Original from the New York Public Library http://books.google.com/books?id=40oFAAAAYAAJ&dq=vasco+malabar+zamorin&as_brr=3&output=text&source=gbs_navlinks_s

http://books.google.com/books?id=vDAMAAAAIAAJ Title The three voyages of Vasco de Gama, and his viceroyalty: from the Lendas da India of Gaspar Corrêa Issue 42 of Works issued by the Hakluyt Society Author Gaspar Corrêa Publisher Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1869 Length 430 pages http://books.google.com/books?id=vDAMAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_v2_summary_r&cad=0

Pg 62-64

The Carnatic The Arabic-Islamic component in the southernmost part of India is reflected in the tale of King Shakarwati, which was committed to paper in Arabic some time in the late Middle Ages. King Shaltarwati of Cranganore witnessed the miracle of the Splitting ofthe Moon (Sura 54.l) and thus was converted to lslam...Thus, the Muslims in the South who form a remarkably strong group trace back their presence to the time of the rophet. Muslim merchants settled in the coastal areas and maintained their specific traditions; settlers at the Konkan coast are reported to have come during the days of Haj- jaj, and historical evidence for Muslim presence in Tamilnad is available for the late 9th century. They had only a few connections with the powers in the North. Amir Khusrau writes of ‘Ala’uddin Khalji’s attempt to reach Malabar: There remained Ma‘bar, which is so far away that from the city ol’ Delhi. that with all the speed possible one has to travel for a full twelve months to be able to reach there..." Yet, in Muhammad ibn Tughluq’s time the Sharif .lalaluddin Ahsan was sent southward and declared himself after a short while Sultan of Madura. Then he was assassinated (1339) and succeeded by ‘Ala’uddin Shah, who in turn was followed by Ghiyathuddin. lbn Battuta, who was married to Jalalud-din’s daughter, left a vivid description of Muslim culture in Southern India; he tells that he found in the city of Hanawar 23 schools for boys and 13 schools for girls!" The independent Muslim rule of Madura, however, did not last long; Sikandar Shah was killed in 1378 by the forces of Vijayanagar and has therefore been venerated as a martyr by the Muslims of Malabar. Saints’ tombs are found in South india; thus Trichinopoly boasts of the tomb of Sayyid Nathar Shah who came as a pioneer of Islam; he may have been a Suhrawardi Sufi. In the area of Manjarur (Mangalore) Ibn Battuta found a Shatiite qddl and a group of a few hundred thousand Muslims, the Labbai, who corne from mixed Arabic-native parentage (nawait) and continue to play a role in the Nagore area. Their favourite saint is Qadirwali Sahib in Tanjore; Muslims and Hindus equally trust in the power of this saint to whom strange miracles are ascribed. Among the Labbai, the study of Arabic was common throughout the centuries, and at present they use a translation of the Koran in Tamil; they adjusted Arabic script also to that language to create a rich Islamic literature of mainly religious content.

Another, larger group of Muslims of mixed ancestry are the Mapillah (Moplah) who are said to number more than a million. They, too. generally follow the Shafiite rite. but their language is Malayalam. The religious leaders among the Mapilla are called rangal; they claim descent from the Prophet’s

" Amir Khosrau. Khaz0’in al-furnlt. transl. p. 62. “ Ibn Batlutn gives a lively account ol' South india, see Mahdi Husain, Thekehla .... ~ India. the Maldives, and Ceylon.

64 THE TIME OP INDEPENDENT STATES family; and since the Mapilla preserve maternal lineage in some clans the :angels use both their Arabic, sayyid, name and the naming system required by the matrilineal customs so that they reach a long sequence of names, usually seven." A l9th century reformer, a member of the Qadiriyya which is very influential in the Camatic, ‘Abdulqadir Takya Sakai Kayalpatuam (d. 1855-6) criticized the people of Malabar ‘for their submission to the clean-shaven Christian overlords' and 'condemned them for following the Marumakat- tayam law of inheritance. giving every right of succession to their sister’s son than to their own sons and daughters as enjoined upon by the Islamic law’ and he asked: 'Who are these mappllays, ‘bridegrooms’?" The Mapilla, generally very poor, have always during history been accused of ‘outbreaks of sudden fanaticism’. Formerly their wrath once turned against the Jews, then against the Christians, and more recently found a most dangerous outlet in their rebellion during the khildfat-movement in l92|. Their centre is Ponani, praised for its learning already by Ibn Battuta. A remarkable Muslim community lived in Kalikut, which in the l5th century had a congregational mosque and a qadt. When the Portuguese under Vasco da Gama reached Kalikut in |498 the Arab merchant community felt the danger and, with the Portuguese presence in the Arabian Sea growing, asked the Hindu Raja, the Zamorin (called as-Samir! by Ibn Battuta) for help. An Arabic poem in simple verse in a not too classical language sings of this event:

Fa’inna Mdlrt qlssettur ‘a/Tbajl :lurid ltarbln sltlltulw

This is a wonderful story giving account of a strange war occurring in the land of Malabar- and the like of it never took place in that country - between the lover of the Muslims, the Zamorin. and the enemy,the infidel Firangis ...I have versified some part of it. by God.so that all kings may hear the story so that they may when they hear it,ponder over the war or may take a lesson,so that the story may go forth in all directions, especially to Syria and Mesopotamia,so that they may know the courage of the King Zamorin who is well known in all places,the ruler of the celebrated Kalikut -may it ever remain prosperous by the grace of god °

This urjuza of some 500 verses by Muhammad al-Kalikuti is complemented by the historically much more important account of his brother Zainuddin al- Ma‘bari's Tultfat al-mujdhidrn, in which the author describes the appearance of and struggle against the Portuguese."

" Victor S. D'Sottza, ‘Kinship Organization and Marriage Customs among the Moplahs on the South West Coast of lndia’, in Imtiaz Ahmad, (ed.), Family, Kinship and Marriage among Indian Muslims, Delhi 1976. Chapter VI. ” M. Y. Kokan, Arabic and Persian in Carnatic, p. 463. S.a. H. Bjerrum, ‘The Tamil Moslems of South India’. MW X. 1920. " Tuhfath Al Mujahideen, ed. Hakim Sayyid Shamsullah Qadri. l-list. Text Series. l~list. Soc. of Hyderabad, Nr. 3. s.d., (1931); It was translated into English by Lt. Rowlandson in 1833.

Pg 167 where he married the daughter of a nawair merchant-that group of Arabs who had settled first in Konltan and then in the Carnatic, and members of whose group were then ruling in the Camatic. In 1759 Haidar ‘Ali served in the army that interfered in the war of succession in Hyderabad, and when Nasir J ung was assassinated his treasures fell into the hands of the French and their officer, I-laidar ‘Ali. The use of firearms and an acquaintance with French methods of warfare were important for his later martial successes. The kingdom of Mysore. part of Aurangzeb’s empire, ruled for all practical purposes by two Brahman brothers, soon became a bone of contention between the Nizam and the Marathas. Haidar ‘Ali sided with the Mysore rulers, relieved Bangalore and other places from the Marathas, and finally conquered Seringapatam in 1761, the year when Ahmad Shah defeated the Marathas at Panipat. Haidar ‘Ali’s invasion of Malabar in 1767 was stopped by the united forces of the Nizam and the Marathas. The Zamorin of Malabar, whose ancestor two centuries prior had supported the Muslims against the Portuguese, refused submission to Haidar ‘Ali’s troops and burned himself in his house in Kalikut-a port that had become the major Portuguese trade centre for export of woven fabrices (‘calico’). The French supplied I-laidar ‘Ali with weapons; but the pro-British policy of Nawwab Muhammad ‘Ali Wala Jah of the Carnatic (d. 1795), a pious member of the Qadiriyya order and great patron of Islamic learning, rendered the situation difficult for him. After all. Madras had been an important seat of the Company since l640, when Fort St. George was built, where the British in the 18th century opened an Arabic madman to win the loyalty of the Muslims: they also set up a printing press where the first weekly appeared in 1785. Nevertheless, the indigenous powers in the Deccan formed a short-lived confederacy against the British in 1779; soon after this alliance broke up, Haidar ‘Ali died of cancer (1782). ln spite of his illiteracy he was a good organizer who ruled on simple, practical lines; but first and foremost he was an intrepid soldier. So was his son Tipu Sultan, bom in 1750 and named after a saint in Arcot. The boy had some education; he even wrote some 96 Urdu ghaznls which children in his schools had to sing. ln one of them he claims: When the Marathas see the Sultan’s army, fear seizes them and they run away like does: The Europeans and Nizamulmullt pass the night together in fear of the Sultan... Socrates and I-lippocrates and all the wise of the world are nothing but fools in his presence; The Sultan's justice is so great that the does in the jungle

Title Islam in the Indian subcontinent, Volume 2, Issue 4, Part 3 Handbuch Der Orientalistik -Abtilung -Indien, Vol 4 Handbuch der Orientalistik. 2. Abt., Indien ; 4. Bd., Religionen, 3. Abschnitt Handbuch der Orientalistik. 4. Bd., 3. Abschnitt Volume 3 of Religionen, Jan Gonda Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, Annemarie Schimmel Author Annemarie Schimmel Edition illustrated Publisher BRILL, 1980

http://books.google.com/books?id=TYImm1TnemwC http://books.google.com/books?id=CoceAAAAIAAJ

Title Indian Pirates Publisher Concept Publishing Company http://books.google.com/books?id=1PVMMoChwY4C

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126 INDIAN PIRATES of Kunhali with Waddakurai (Valakarei) which, as its name implies, was on the northern bank of the river.

The first great chieftain of the Malabar pirates was Kunhali (Kunhi Ali) about whose early life only the traveller Francois Pyrard (1601-ll) has furnished a good account. He calls Kunhali, Cognialy (the younger chief) and observes that “his fame and terror were spread abroad from the .Cape of Good Hope even to China.” Pyrard continues that Kunhali`s power “was greater than that attained by any others in those parts.” He captured “innumerable ships and galleys -of China, Goa and other places” which were graphically portrayed in some palace frescoes (cf. next chapter).

Kunhali had a brother as valiant as himself named Cutimucaa (Kutti Musa) but according to De Couto who calls him Cousty Moussey the nephew and great general ol'Kunl1ali. Their power “was greater than most of his contemporaries” and they became almost so drunk with it, that Kunhali commenced to despise his neighbours, even the king oi' Cannanore, Ali Raja, who was the naval Commodore of Kollattiris whose ancestor was the great Mammali. He had formerly been Kunhali's protector and suzerain and had aided him in all his ambitious projects. Kunhali, in his arrogance. forgot all that and “so harried in all directions and all men’s goods.” None could number the cruel barbarities practised by him and his followers against all sorts and conditions of men, without restriction. Among others, Kunhali attacked his neighbour, the Nayar king Auriole viz. Ayiron or Ayirom, the lord of a thousand Nayars whom he had robbed and pillaged and drove him from his kingdom. His personal strength and cruelty have been remembered. The traveller Pyrard was “assured” (we may take this with a grain of salt) that with one single blow Kunhali had cut down a man by his side and with a similar blow slashed a galley oar in two, “with a single cut.” Pyrard calls him “one of the cruelest men in the world." In the execution of his cruelty he was no respecter of persons. He became so brutal that he cut oil' the nose and breasts of the queen ofthe Nayar king, Auriole (Ayirom) and after a time had himself acknowledged as king. At length “puffed up with prosperity, he would no longer recognise even the Samory (Zamorin) and rebelled against him,

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refusing to deliver up some of his vessels and, when commanded to do so, he set up all such commands at naught." No wonder the Zamorin was waiting for an opportunity to destroy this pirate.

Towards the end of 1591, the Portuguese Viceroy Mathias de Albuquerque despatched from Goa cajilas or fleets, one under Andre Furtado de Mendoza (what pompous names!) against the Raja of Jaffna in Ceylon and the other under Alvaro de Abranches against Kunhali. Furtado, on approaching Ceylon, found a wing of Kunhali’s fleet of 21 galleys under Cutimuza (Kutti Musa), the Cousty Moussey of Pyrard, the nephew of Kunhali II. He “was Lording it over the whole of Coromandel (Cholamandala) coast” as Couto put it. In the inevitable fight off the island Karativa (Kachativu) (in the news some time ago) the Malabaris were utterly routed and Cutimuza escaped by swimming to the shore. This defeat of Cutimuza meant little to Kunhali and made no dent in the armour of his power. In fact he began to defy his sovereign, the Zamorin and held “himself out for a king", creating offices, agreeable to the dignity of his assumed royalty, “with a pageantry of arms and rode like a king on a white elephant.” This open insubordination of Kunhali was in fact fomented and encouraged by the mischievous and wicked Portuguese who wished to uproot him for he was a veritable thorn in their side. Pyrard observed they "were well pleased with this revolt, which they indeed had fomented believing that his speedy ruin was certain.” The vile Portos did this because Kunhali had conquered many of their _#mas and other small craft, seized a ship on its way from China and later a gallior. He also assisted, with captains and soldiers, the queen of Olala (Ullal near Mangalore, South Kanara District, Karnataka State), when she had rebelled against the Portuguese. She was the well-known Pepper Queen often mentioned in Portuguese records and travellers’ accounts. Kunhali also aided the Melique (Malik), a Muslim chief, of Chaul. Finally, he openly revolted against his own sovereign of the “Malabars" and deemed himself “invincible”. His end, though unknown to him, was surely but certainly looming ahead as inevitable as death itself.

Pg 128

The Portuguese, bent on Kunhali‘s destruction, despatched Alvarho de Abranches to the Malabar coasts and in such expeditions, their Jesuits, who played an important role in Kunhali’s life, began to show their hand in his affairs. On Abranches’ arrival on the Malabar coast, a Jesuit Francisco da Costa, then a captive at Calicut, represented to the Zamorin the advantages of a Portuguese alliance with him for the ultimate suppression of Kunhali. The only object of the Portuguese in such moves was to eliminate Kunhali so that, after his extinction, they could freely indulge in their so-called trade, for it was always mixed up with religious mischief and also their piratical peregrinations against their white compatriots like the English, Dutch, French and others in the sphere of piracy on the one hand and their Indian rivals like the pirates of Gujarat, Konkan and Maharashtra on the other. Of course they never revealed such objects to the unsuspecting Zamorin whose only object was to rid himself of his undesirable subordinate Kunhali. Abranches was contacted and on his referring this matter to their Viceroy at Goa, soon a treaty between the Portuguese and the Zamorin was concluded whereby all the Portuguese captives at Calicut were liberated, the Jesuits granted permission “to preach" (which they most desiredl) in the Calicut dominions, and by such a move the Zamorin laid perhaps inadvertently the foundations of the Catholic Church in Malabar and incidentally in India. Little did the Zamorin realise that he was promoting by such a move the propagation of Catholicism at the expense of his own religion.

Despite the inordinate desire of the Portuguese to wipe out Kunhali at any cost, they could do practically little between these years. Francisco da Gama, the grandson of Vasco da Gama, aged only 31, arrived on the 22nd May, l597 as the Viceroy at Goa. Forthwith an armada was equipped to attack Kunhali under Gama’s brother, Dom Luis da Gama, a youth of 30, appointed Governor of Ormuz. This reveals what foul favouritism must have prevailed in the Portuguese court at Lisbon, in appointing to such posts young men with little experience, either military or administrative, simply because they were related to some high-ups in that court. Naturally such appointments evoked

Pg 129

resentment by the other captains for the loaves of high ollice had become the preserve of the Gama clan. The Malabaris were waiting to avenge their defeat off the Karativa Island by Abranches some time ago. Luis da Gama’s expedition was delayed by the presence of the Dutch on the Mozambique coast and the capture of two ships under Simao de Abreu de Mello, off Cape Jaquete in the north by the Malabaris. De Mello’s ships were attacked by 8 Malabari prahus and the Portuguese “were slain to a man.” The Portuguese despatched two squadrons, one to avenge this disaster in the north and “the other to protect Malacca and the Archipelagos."

Luis da Gama was dogged by misfortunes from the very start. Unpopular from the commencement of his appointment, he worsened his position by his “distant, haughty” behaviour in his bearing and severity to his subordinates. He had succeeded a notoriously lax governor, Mathias de Albuquerque and his unpopularity pursued him till the conclusion of his term of office. He appointed his brother Dom Luis da Gama, also 30 years old and his appointment was greeted “with open discontent among Portuguese captains”, but he was defended by de Couto, the chronicler.

Luis da Gama did not leave Goa till 13th November, 1597. Then with a fleet reduced, owing to the “misfortunes” mentioned earlier, he proceeded to Calicut, where he held a conference with the Zamorin. The question placed before him was to decide whether he should support the Portuguese against his own rebel and vassal, Kunhali, which would probably lead to his own subjection or witness the further development of Kunhali’s power, which along the Kerala coast was overshadowing his own. After considering this question, he attempted to “improve his terms”, by demanding from Luis 30,000 paracoes, some companies of Portuguese soldiers and half of the spoil, on subduing Kunhali. When Luis referred these terms to Goa, they were deemed inadmissible and the Zamorin’s good faith, according to the Portos (Portuguese), was impeached, be was rashly and foolishly declared an enemy and the whole of the

Pg 130

130 INDIAN names Malabar coast was blockaded. Luis returned to Goa in April. 1598. The Zamorin, shifty as he was, now changed his mind, it was alleged, owing to a fresh presumption on the part of Kunhali and to the persuasion ofthe Jesuit padre, P. Antoine. He declared himself ready to render active aid to the Portuguese with his land forces, little realising that he was indirectly undermining himself by trying to liquidate his subordinate, Kunhali, who was a thorn in the Hanks of the Portos, without winning him over to his side for lighting against their common enemy. He was more or less in exactly the same position as the Peshwa was while he was confronting the Angres. The Portuguese Viceroy at Goa, who was only waiting for such a move, forthwith ordered fresh ships to be equipped and, among others, caused six boats specially for work in the Kotta river, to be built at Bassein. In addition, twelve ships were sent to supplement the blockading fleet. Towards the end of 1598, the Zamorin was encamped outside Kunhali’s fort with a large army. In December, 1598, Luis again left Goa with three galleys and twenty fusras, which were added to the 18 ships already at Kottakal (wrongly named Cunhalo by de Couto and Cognialy by Pyrard) and the six river boats from Bassein, containing a force of about 1500 men. At this juncture, the Jesuit Archbishop Menezes, who was leaving Goa, on the noted mission 'to the Malabar Christians (Catholics), was requested by the Goan Viceroy to call at Kottakal, take counsel with the fleet and report to him the state of affairs. This is one more example of involving Jesuit priests in explosive political situations, with which they had really nothing to do, as though none other than ecclesiastics was either available or capable of dealing with such crises. In January, 1599, at a council of the captains, the Archbishop was present and a vote taken to attack the fort of Kunhali from the river by means of boats. This was communicated to Goa and the archbishop proceeded to Cochin with three or four more ships to the aid of the fleet. He restrained the Cochin Raja from invading the territories ol' an ally of the

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SOME PIRATE CHIEFS |31 Zamorin which was intended to breach the alliance of the latter with the Portuguese.

All was ready on 3rd March, 1599: 300 Portuguese under Belchior Ferreira, were despatched to join the Zamorin, who was encamped on the land-side of Kunhali‘s citadel, while Luis da Sylva (Silva) “an experienced captain” was selected to lead the attacking force of 600 Portuguese against the river front. The llth March was spent in “confession and preparation". It was found that obstructions had been placed on the river channel by Kunhali and, after great efforts, a narrow space was cleared but it sufficed to permit only one boat to pass through it. Doubts were expressed on the feasibility of the plan adopted by the Council and endorsed at Goa. On the night of the 4th March, the five or six captains of the forces assembled, sought an interview with the commander and induced him to advance the forces under Luis da Sylva, not by boats up the river, but by land from the Ariole (Ayiron-Ayirom-1000) (under a Raja) on the right bank of the river and land. Their soldiers were to cross by rafts (jangodas) for breaching the fort. In the night a meteor was seen and construed as an augury of ill forthcoming for the Portuguese and a good omen for Kunhali.A fire-signal had been arranged for the combined attack from the river and land but, by some mistake (so often seen in Portuguese affairs, which speaks volumes for their utter carelessness and disgraceful lack of discipline), it was given soon after midnight instead of shortly before dawn. Belchior Ferreira and his 300 men, accordingly rushed to the attack, without their scaling ladders and “engineering implements!" Luis da Gama crossed the river by means of sixty boats. His instructions were to extend his corps round the base of the fort and join hands with Belchior Ferreira.

The besieged in Kunhali's fort who were ready to meet the invaders, opened fire on the besiegers and the first to fall was Luis da Sylva, shot through the head, disclosing the masterly marksmanship of Kunhali’s snipers. Other captains, who followed him, shared his fate: his soldiers never manoeuvred into the required formation (so typical of the Portuguese and also the English attacks on Indian chiefs, already noticed), each party being separately engaged. In such

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132 INDIAN PIRATES a wild onrush, confusion becoming worse confounded, some dashing to their boats and overcrowding them, were drowned! A few managed to cross the river by swimming and joined their fleet while those, for whom this mode of flight was impossible, managed to keep upa desperate struggle till noon by which time “the Bower of the Portuguese army was destroyed.” Belchior Ferreira had made his attack in good order but, on seeing that “the day was gone” against them, withdrew to his camp. During all this time, the obstructions in the river and the deficiency of boats had made Luis da Gama “ a mere spectator”. He was standing knee-deep in the mud of the river, endeavouring to render succour to the boats, while now and then his attempts were frustrated “by the sight” of rushing fugitives, some in boats, some swimming down the stream, all shouting “Treason! Treason!" The corpse of Luis da Sylva, spirited into a boat, was wrapped in his flag to conceal his death but this miserable trick only added to the chaos of the soldiery. This utter rout of the Portuguese, so well-avenged by the Malabaris for their debacle under Cuti Musa (Kutti Musa) off the island of Karativa towards the end of 1594, was considered “the gravest disaster to the Portuguese arms in India.” A precisely similar disgraceful rout was suffered by them earlier at the hands of the Sangameshwar pirates towards the end of the 16th century, as noted before. De Couto confidently estimated the entire Portuguese losses at 230 killed but adds that, after he had discussed this matter with Kunhali and his lieutenant Chinali in the Goa prison, they both assessed the loss as exceeding 500 slain. Luis da Gama now left a small posse of soldiers to man the blockade of the fort under the charge of Francisco de Souza and despatched Da Sylva’s body to Cananor (Cananore, Kerala) where it was temporarily interred with all available pomp and later conveyed to Portugal. Then Gama withdrew his shattered army to Cochin where the wounded were attended to in a hospital and in private houses. The blockading corps were insufficient and Kunhali, who had 13 galliots “ready for action’ ’ on his part, could easily have forced a way to the sea but he refrained from taking that step as he was deceived by de Souza who, by a skilful ruse, led him to believe that he was being reinforced. Kunhali’s military

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134 INDIAN PIRATES of Malabar but whether from jealousy or to retrieve his family honour it is not known. Furtado da Gama, at a Council held in November again impressed on its members his claim to lead the army in person, but the Archbishop and a majority of the Council strongly opposed him and a fleet departed with its nominated leader.

Furtado’s fleet consisted of two galleys, 22 ships, 5 machwas and 8 perichas (two types of boats). This, with a contingent from the northern parts and the blockading squadron already at the Kotta river, amounted to three galleys and 54 other ships, with a complement of about 2000 men. Furtado himself arrived at the Kotta river early in December, 1599, in advance of some portion of his expeditionary force. On the 16th December, 1599, the allied commanders held a ceremonial meeting at Kurichchi (Coriche), the ancestral home of the Kunhali family. Furtado and the Zamorin, accompanied by large bodies of troops, which were drawn up in a crescent formation, round the venue of the meeting, fired salvoes of artillery and musketry. The Zamorin conducted Furtado to the seats prepared for them and there, after the usual formal compliments, “they spoke of the mode of conducting the war,” which the Zamorin promised to prosecute with redoubled courage and vigour. He also told the chief captain that, as soon as Kunhali saw the power of the armada at his river and learnt that Furtado was its captain “a general so renowned and feared by the Moors,” he forthwith sent word to capitulate on condition that his life and those of all the Moors with him should be spared and that the Zamorin should come over to the gates of the fortress to receive his surrender and thus secure him from the violence of his Nairs (Nayars). How far these facts were true, being uncorroborated, remains to be established. The Zamorin is alleged to have conceded all this with the intention of putting him to death as soon as he got him in his hands because this was the proper policy of dealing with traitors, especially when they were such that it was impossible to expect that they would act otherwise on every available occasion. At that time, fixed for the surrender, the Zamorin deputed his fencing master with some Nairs to receive Kunhali.

135

But he, seeing that the Zamorin had not arrived there personally, saw in it “a bad sign" and despatched some of his Muslims to the Nairs. Between them there “arose a great strife, followed by a sharp conflict in which many were wounded on both sides and there was no conlidence between them.” The Zamorin therefore, contended that it was necessary to continue the war against the tyrant Kunhali and for it he offered everything his kingdom could afford. This must have delighted the mischievous Portuguese, who like the English when placed in a similar situation with the Angres and the Peshwa (as noted already) and, as the Portuguese historians have recorded, “As an earnest of his goodwill and faith, he would give whatever hostages the chief captain required, because everything had to be done according to his opinions and wishes.” This is the version of the Portuguese as recorded by Pyrard but it is highly doubtful if the Zamorin would have stooped so low as to kotow to a common chief captain of the Portos whom all the Malabaris detested for after all it was the Portuguese who had sought his alliance and not vice-versa. This demeanour of the Zamorin has been purposely commemorated by the Portuguese chroniclers to boost the morale of the often-routed and cowardly Portuguese soldiery, their drunken commanders and the wavering Zamorin whom they employed as a stooge against Kunhali. The Portuguese accounts continue that Andre Furtado de Mendonca thanked the Zamorin for his offers and made “other suitable offers" (not specified) in retum. The Zamorin added that he would send the padre Francisco Rodrigues and his regedores to Furtado’s galley so that he might draw up such terms of capitulation as he deemed necessary. Then the parties separated. In this rather vague account, glorifying the Portuguese and making the Zamorin play the second fiddle to their common and despicable captains. Like Furtado, all these assertions cannot be taken for granted without corroboration which is not readily available.

The Portuguese and the Zamorin played false to Kunhali. Furtado listened to the Zamorin’s speech without displaying any surprise or resentment. ln their discussion there was a studied omission of any

136

mention of the mode in which Kunhali’s person was to be disposed of on his capitulation as stated by de Couto. One article provided for the demolition of his fortress so that the Zamorin could have half of all the money, merchandise, ships, artillery and other arms which might be taken as lost. The intention of the parties was better understood than exposed: both parties were treacherous, both wanted to share all, if not the major portion of the loot and both were bent on capturing Kunhali, if they could get him alive, perhaps the Portuguese more than the Zamorin so that they could make an example of him as they virtually tried to do later.

Furtado arrived in December, 1599, but his 'entire force had not collected round the doomed fortress till the middle of February, 1600. Desertions from the famine-stricken garrison began to be frequent, and Furtado encouraged them for he had “desired to minimise his loss of life.” Meanwhile he made a complete reconnaissance of the town from the land-side to the south of the town and marched three leagues to the Zamorin’s camp. Then he commenced active operations by taking measures to clear the river channel to protect his boats, effected a landing on the northern or Ariole bank and took up entrenched positions at several points from which with his heavy artillery he could bombard the town itself. Kunhali then advanced his works to the sands on his side of the river. But, before he could execute them, Furtado crossed over and took the place, throwing in a garrison of 300 soldiers who delied all attempts of the besieged to recapture it. Meanwhile on the Ariole bank, the heavy artillery, after playing for 5 days on the bastion, which guarded the town, had effectively demolished it and thus laid open the bazar to assault. At this juncture the Zamorin reappeared on the scene. About this time, the Viceroy from Goa sent a despatch expressly commanding the captain not to take the town by assault. In view of what the Commander and his associates considered the Zamorin’s conduct as dubious, which might lead to ditiiculties and, in case the garrison was relieved, the fort’s capture would be delayed till the arrival of the monsoon. Furtado therefore placed the problem before the Council and “deliberately obtained their vote to disregard the Goa instructions and

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138 This version of de Couto is not only suspicious but palpably false for the Zamorin would never have supplicated a mere commoner like Furtado to confirm a treaty he had made with his subordinate like Kunhali as such a step was absolutely unnecessary. De Couto, however, would have us believe that Furtado informed the Zamorin that he should act as he proposed and that he was quite satisfied with those terms. At Length Furtado having threatened an assault, the Zamorin and Kunhali arranged for the surrender to take place on 16th March.1600.

On that day the Portuguese and the Zamorin's forces were drawn up, opposite each other. Down the broadway thus provided by the allied forces, the remnants of the garrison marched forth. First came 40OO Moors, many of them wounded, with their children and wives, in such an impoverished condition that they seemd like dead. The Zamorin bade them go where they pleased. Last of all came Kunhali with a black kerchief on his head and a sword in his hand, with its point lowered. He was at that time a man of fifty of middle height, muscular and broad shouldered. He walked between three of his chief Muslims. one of them was Chinali A Chinese who had been a servant at Malacca and said to have been a captive of the Portuguese taken as a boy from a Fusta and afterwards brought to Kunhali" He had conceived such an affection for him that he treated him with everything" He was the greatest exponent of the Moorish superstition and an enemy of the Christians in all Malabar. It is said of him that for those capturd at sea and brought to Kunhali's little kingdom, he invented the most exquisite kind of torture when he martyred them. This wild assertion of de Couto, lacking corroboration, is apparently incredible. Kunhali walked straight to the Zamorin and delivered to him his sword in token or submission, throwing himself at his feet with much humility. The Portuguese writers aver that according to some, the Zamorin, as he had promised him his life, had secretly advised the Chief captain (Furtado), when Kunhali surrendered, to lay hands on him by force. This lacking corroboration is not wortby of credence and the treacherous Portuguese in this case also, as in many before proved false. As soon as Kunhali gave himself up, Furtado,

139

who had accepted Zamorins treaty terms with Kunhali, laid hands on him and the latter gave a great lurch so as to free himself. As he was then on the brink of a hole, Furtado pulled him aside and would have fallen into that pit had his arm not been seized by a padre, Diogo Homen, a franciscan priest, who was, standing on one side. Diogo Moniz Barreto, standing on the other side, fell into the hole and skinned all his leg. The fact is that Furtado, in spite of his assurance to the Zamorin that he would not object to Kunhali's surrender to him alone, purposely and treacherously seized Kunhali. At that time a tumult arose among the Nairs, which the Zamorin with difficulty suppressed. In the midst of it, Chinali (Chin Ali) and Cotiali (Kutti Ali), Kunhali's nephew, and other captains or Kunhali attempted to escape but were seized and manacled by the Portuguese soldiery. It appears as though, they were ready with hand-cuffs and they were probably good, only for such bravado. Kunhali himself was led under a strong guard to the Portuguese lines. After the written assurance to Kunhali and its ratification by Furtado, it is shocking to believe that the Zamorin had not raised one word against the illegal seizure of Kunhali about which the Portuguese chroniclers are blissfully silent. The real facts must haye been different but they have not been simply and honestly recorded by the Portuguese writers. The Portuguese accounts continue that Furtado, the dishonest captain, after entering Kunhali's fort, hand in hand with the Zamorin (rather impossible to believe that a king, should have gone hand in hand with a common soldier) and prudently gave up the place to be sacked by the Nairs and so diverted their minds from conscientious scruples. In return for this concession, a trivial one, as it turned out to be, for all the valuables had been made away with by whom none knew, the Zamorin made over to the Portuguese, besides the chief prisoner, 40 of his chief adherents, all of whom surrendered death in a Goa prison by the Viceroy's order. The artillery was divided between the captors, according to previous agreements. Furtado's last act was to utterly demolish Kunbali's fort, not leaving one stong on the other and to burn down the town, bazaars and mosques to ashes. This Portuguese account

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conveyed to the Viceroy but the magistrate behaved wich such scant courtesy, insisting on Furtado's compliance or the order. He yielded and allowed Kunhali to be carried away but the Former displayed his resentment by refusing to land at the quay or to participate in the triumph and at Madre de Dios, further up the river. Furtado, according to de Couto who, as shown earlier, is not always reliable, attributed this to the Viceroy's envy as he did not want to see Furtado entering Goa with his famous prisoner. the Viceroy, on hearing of Furtados behaviour and its cause, warmly reproved the magistrate and suspended him for two months but strangely enough took no action on Furtados flouting twice his orders. The people, highly indignant at this confusion, tore down all the decorations and erections set up and the thanksgiving was performed later. This is a ' disgraceful commentary on the Law and order situation in Goa in the beginning of the 17th century.

Pyrard, who had contacted the Portuguese and the Malabaris and the Nairs, relates that an agreement had been reacted between the Zamorin and the Portuguese Chief Captain that Kunhali's fortress should be razed to the ground, the booty halved between themselves and that all the subjects should go to the Zamorin and Kunhali to the Portuguese. If at all this was the truth, then this must have been a bazaar version for a treaty between Kunhali and the Zamorin seems to have been made and Furtado's approval of it obtained. On this compact being concluded, continues Pyrard, all the Nair were drawn up on one side and the Portuguese on the other, Kunhali then came Forth to salute his king, the Zamorin, and ask his pardon. The Zamorin then called upon Kunhali to deliver up his sword and taking it struck on his shoulder two or three light strokes as if in jest and then addressed him thus: Kunhali, you have given me much trouble and grief, at the same time, be turned to the signeur Andre (Furtado), saying Take Kunhali, he is yours He was forthwith seized and placed in a galley,his forts entirely demolished while the town, though sacked was left in its former condition and its people sustained no further loss. The two armies then retired. This version is untenable for we know, as noticed already, that the bazaar was set on fire, (and Kunhali was first man- 142

handled by Furtado illegally and that the Zamorin was not the first to hand Kunhali over to the Portuguese captain. Pyrard's version is at best bazaar news.

According to Pyrard, his informants told him that Kunhali' s surrender was due to the Lack of provision' and Kunhali, having so soundly beaten them (the Portuguese) on the first occasion, little thought that they would return so soon and so was taken by surprise. Another reason ascribed was that Kunhali had eaten some , charmed betel which the Zamorin had sent him and thereby his courage failed Another said that he would sooner die himself than see many men surrender on his behalf. Another reason was that his brother Cousty Moussey (Kutti Musa), who would never have permitted such a surrender, was dead. The pan plea is absurd and can never be believed. The real reason, which led to his capitulation, was his despair of succour as he had unwisely insulted his king and neighbors and had lost all sympathy from every one. The plea or provisions are plausible for it is known that be had dispatched two large ships under Metar' Kunhali, a great captain of Moutingue (mod. Muttungal), one of his ports, more about which will be mentioned later and, if they had arrived in time, the siege should have continued longer and its fate been different.

The captures of Kunhali and his associates proved a great draw in Goa. their fate was undecided as the Viceroy as unwell. Later at a formal indictment, Kunhali was sentenced to be beheaded , his body to be quartered and exhibited on the beaches at Bardes and Panjim, his head to be salted and then conveyed to Cannanore. This savagery of the Portuguese surpasses the barbarism of the Turks and the inhumanity of the Mughals. Before Kunhali was executed, he was invited to become a Catholic just as the Muslims did in the cases of their Hindu captives. De Couto continues, after he had interviewed Kunhali in the prison at Goa, that he was willing provided his life was spared but, if he was to die. he preferred to die in his own Faith. Probably the Portuguese wanted to make him first a Catholic and then execute him. But, according to other accounts, be had boldly refused to become a convert. The execution was carried out on a scaffold in the large square in front of the Viceroy's 143

palace before an immense crowd. Kunhali bore himself with a courage which won the respect of his pitiless and barbarous foes. But Chinali, who had not Kunhali's strength of mind, became a Catholic and was baptized as Bartholomeo. But still the faithless Portuguese treacherously beheaded him too and all the 40 prisoners, some of whom had become converts. This treachery of the Portuguese and the Zamorin was remembered at least by Faria y Souza, who rightly observed So did the Governor and rabble go hand in hand in murder and breach of Faith, of course omitting the Zamorin's faithlessness in this crime.

His death had diametrically the opposite effects on the Portuguese and his own people as against those which they had anticipated. When the news of his capture reached Goa, bonfires were lit, the Te Deum was sung and two days after the return of the army, (de Couto who had personally interviewed Kunhali in prison and hence must have known the position better than the chroniclers, tells us that the interval was longer), Kunhali was beheaded. His own countrymen saw to it that the perfidious Portuguese paid dearly For their treachery and his head. In righteous revenge they slew all the Portuguese they could lay their hands on while their own king, the Zamorin, rather too belatedly and foolishly proclaimed that be had great regret for having delivered so valiant a man out of his anger and revenge, for Kunhali and his brother were esteemed the bravest captains in all the East Indies.

Kunhali left a son also called Marcaire (Marakkar) or Viceroy according to Pyrard. He tells us that he bad often seen him and had eaten and dined at his house. He resided mostly at the Coste (Marakkar Kotta) and at Chombayi one of his Fathers forts. with one or the other of his wives. though the Zamorin had not appointed any one in Kunhali's place as his rightful Successor and heir. still he was treated with greater respect than any one else and the title, according to Pyrard, whereas surname would be preferable, was preserved in his case For his father's sake. Many had aspired for Kunhali's prestigious position and importance and, for that reason the Zamorin, probably out of fear lest another

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Kunhali should emerge and make his life miserable. appointed none and thus kept the land in peace

Islam in the Indian subcontinent, Volume 2, Issue 4, Part 3 By Annemarie Schimmel BRILL, 1980 The time of the INDEPENDENT states 63

Arabic some time in the late Middle Ages. King Shakarwati of Cranganore witnessed the miracle of the Splitting of the Moon (Sura 54.l) and thus was convened to lslam...Thus, the Muslims in the South who form a remarkably strong group trace back their presence to the time of the Prophet. Muslim merchants settled in the coastal areas and maintained their specific traditions; settlers at the Konkan coast are reported to have come during the days of Hajjaj, and historical evidence for Muslim presence in Tamilnad is available for the late 9th century. They had only a few connections with the powers in the North. Amir Khusrau writes of ‘Ala’uddin Khalji’s attempt to reach Malabar:

There remained Ma‘bar, which is so far away that from the city of Delhi, that with all the speed possible one has to travel for a full twelve months to be able to reach there..."

Yet, in Muhammad ibn Tughluq’s time the Sharif .lalaluddin Ahsan was sent southward and declared himself after a short while Sultan of Madura. Then he was assassinated (1339) and succeeded by ‘Ala’uddin Shah, who in turn was followed by Ghiyathuddin. Ibn Battuta, who was married to Jalalud- din’s daughter, left a vivid description of Muslim culture in Southem India; he tells that he found in the city of Hanawar 23 schools for boys and l3 schools for girls!" The independent Muslim rule of Madura, however, did not last long; Sikandar Shah was killed in 1378 by the forces of Vijayanagar and has therefore been venerated as a martyr by the Muslims of Malabar. Saints’ tombs are found in South india; thus richinopoly boasts of the tomb of Sayyid Nathar Shah who came as a pioneer of Islam; he may have been a Suhrawardi Sufi. In the area of Manjarur (Mangalore) Ibn Battuta found a Shafiite qadl and a group of a few hundred thousand Muslims, the Labbai, who come from mixed Arabic-native parentage (nawdit) and continue to play a role in the Nagore area. Their favourite saint is Qadirwali Sahib in Tanjore; Muslims and Hindus equally trust in the power of this saint to whom strange miracles are ascribed. Among the Labbai, the study of Arabic was common throughout the centuries, and at present they use a translation of the Koran in Tamil; they adjusted Arabic script also to that language to create a rich Islamic literature of mainly religious content. Another, larger group of Muslims of mixed ancestry are the Mapillah (Moplah) who are said to number more than a million. They, too. generally follow the Shafiite rite, but their language is Malayalam. The religious leaders among the Mapilla are called tangal; they claim descent from the Prophet’s

" Amir Khosrau. Khaz0’in akfurulr, transl. p. 62. “ Ibn Baltuta gives a lively account of South India, see Mahdi Husain, Thekehlu .... ° India, the Maldives, and Ceylon.

The United service magazine, Volume 67 By Arthur William Alsager Pollock http://books.google.com/books?id=FtsRAAAAYAAJ COLBURN'S UNITED SERVICE MAGAZINE AND Naval and Military Journal, 1851. PART III. LONDON: COLBURN & CO., 13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET. SOLD BT ALL BOOKSELLERS.

THE LATE OCCURRENCE AT KOLATOOR WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MOPLAHS AND THE NAIRS. "

A votive train, who brought the Khoran's lore, 
That time great Perimal the sceptre bore; 
From bless'd Arabia's groves to India came, 
Life were their words—their eloquence a flame 
Of holy zeal."
                    Camojns.

Amongst the many sects, castes, religions, and races, into which the population of India has from time immemorial been divided, probably no greater diversity is to be found, than in that portion of the peninsula known as the coast of Malabar.

Besides Jews and Christians—as has been before observed—the Portuguese found likewise here located a race professing the faith of Islam, but considering themselves—as being of pure Arabian descent—far superior to the Mahomedans of Tartar origin, who had even at that distant period overrun and conquered a considerable portion of Hindostan. This tribe of the followers of the prophet were denominated, " Moplahs," and as connected with a late disturbance in southern India, which although in itself of an insignificant nature, having been nevertheless attended with considerable waste of human life : a few words in reference to these fanatics, may perhaps not be considered, under present circumstances, as out of place.

Who, we have heard it asked, who on earth are these redoubted Moplahs? who are these desperadoes that with numbers disproportionately small, slew some years ago a British officer, after putting the whole of his detachment to flight ?—who very recently with still smaller numbers drove before them so many of our gallant Sepoys, and could only be destroyed—for they allowed themselves not to be subdued—by an overwhelming combined force of Native Infantry, and of Royal troops ?

In reply to these queries, we shall as briefly as possible relate all that we know regarding these said Moplahs, or, as they may be almost called, indigenous Mahomedans of the western coast of India. So far back as the period of the conquests of Alexander the Great, a constant intercourse has been known to exist between Arabia and the coast of India, running westward of the Ghauts ; an intercourse which will account for the direct introduction at a subsequent date of the Mahomedan tenets into this part of the world.

It would appear that the principal residence of these Arabian traders and adventurers was fixed at Paniany, a seaport town, to the southward of Calicut, but within the dominions of hereditary Hindoo princes, whose capital was the latter place, and who were in India known as the " Tamuri Rajahs," but by Europeans generally called the " Zamorin." In course of time numbers of the aboriginal Hindoo natives became converts to the Mahomedan faith, and under the name of " Moplahs," engrafted on their new belief, many of the customs peculiar to their Hindoo forefathers, of those particular castes to which they happened to belong.

Thus, although the " Tangul," or High Priest of the Moplahs, who boasts his descent from Ali and Fatima, be considered a Mohamedan in every sense of the word, he is, nevertheless, so far swayed by the customs of the aboriginal " Nairs," as to be subject to their peculiar mode of succession through the female line: his sister's son succeeding him at his death in the Pontifical office, according to the ancient customs of Malabar.

The Moplah population consisted chiefly of traders and cultivators of the soil, and prior to the time of Hyder Ali (who subdued this part of India,) they were entirely subject to the Hindoo Princes, in whose territories they resided, and remarkable for their quiet, orderly, and industrious habits. Both Hyder Ali, and subsequently Tippoo Saib, availing themselves of the circumstance of the Moplahs professing Islamism, converted them into ready tools of their ambitious projects; and when this part of India was wrested by the English from the grasp of Tippoo Saib, we found the Moplahs to be, generally speaking, a cruel, bloodthirsty, and ruffianly race, whose members had, during the late period of anarchy, considerably increased, by multitudes of Hindoos having been forcibly circumcised, and nolens volens converted to the Mahomedan faith.

" In religious matters," says Buchanan, " the Tangul is still the head of the sect, and the office continues hereditary in the female line. Mosques are numerous, and in each of them an Imaum or Moullah presides, nominated by the Tangul, who usually bestows the office on the sister's son, the heir of the person that last held it. • * * » * Such is the brief outline of a sect little known to the world, and till lately scarcely ever heard of in England, but which has by two recent and tragical events, forced itself rather prominently on public attention.

The first of these occurrences, here alluded to, took place in 1849, on the Malabar coast, at a place called Mungerry; where sixty Moplahs, after committing various outrages, took up—if we remember right—a position in a Pagoduh, from whence they were attempted to be dislodged by a company of Native Infantry, whom these infuriated fanatics suddenly rushing out upon, put to flight, cutting to pieces the European officer in command; nor was it till the Grenadier company of Her Majesty's 94th regiment with other reinforcements—the whole under the command of Lieut. Colonel Dennis—was sent against them, that they were eventually destroyed ; not, however, without again inflicting serious losses on our troops. The last overland India Mail has brought the intelligence, that another band of these desperate fellows—though this time only fourteen in number—had been committing renewed depredations in the vicinity of the scene of the last-mentioned outbreak ; whereupon a company of Native Infantry was, it appears, sent out with orders either to capture or destroy them. The Moplahs had entrenched themselves in a building, on which the Sepoys kept up for two hours a fire of musketry without 'effect, at the end of which time, the Moplahs rushed out, closed with and put their assailants to flight. Her Majesty's 94t,h Regiment was again summoned to the rescue. Fifty men of that gallant corps, reinforced by detachments of Native Infantry, the whole force amounting to 220 regular troops, under the command of Captain Rhodes of the 94th, advanced to the attack, when the Moplahs now increased to seventeen in number, boldly came out to meet them, rushed knife in hand upon the troops, and were only exterminated after inflicting on the latter a loss of four European soldiers and of a native Soubahdor !

The following version of the affair dated Bellany, 9th Sept., 1851, will furnish further details of this most extraordinary transaction:—

• Intelligence of another Moplah outbreak on the 22nd of August, attended with some loss of life, has reached the Presidency, and, we much regret to add, the disgraceful repulse of, by them, a company of the 39th N.I. The aflair took place at Kolatoor, in the vicinity of Mungerry, where Ensign Wise was killed two years ago. The cause of the outbreak appears to have originated in some act of oppression on the part of a native subordinate revenue officer.
• Fourteen Moplahs having formed themselves into a body, proceeded to the house of a wealthy native of high caste, whom they murdered, and after setting fire to his dwelling, were met by two more natives, one of the same caste as the murdered man, the other the head man of the village. Both these they cut down, and subsequently ten others of various castes ; the Moplahs finally barricading themselves in the house of one of the murdered men, a strong building situated on an elevated ground.
• Mr. Collett, the sub-collector, hearing of these disturbances, made a requisition to Major Wilkinson, commanding two companies of the 39th Native Infantry, at Malleaporum, who dispatched about sixty-five rank and file under Ensign Turner, to the scene of outrage.
• The Sepoys commenced an ineffectual fire upon the house, the Moplahs rushed out knives in hand, a general panic struck the Sepoys; and in spite of every effort which Ensign Turner could make to keep them steady, they threw down their arms and ammunition, and retreated, leaving a drummer and two or three Sepoys dead. Two of the Moplahs also fell.
• A detachment of fifty of Her Majesty's 9*th, under Captain Rhodes and Lieutenant McCarthy, stationed at Calicut, and a full company of the 39th N.I., under Ensign Shaw, were now marched off to the scene of disturbance, and subsequent accounts have since reached the Presidency that the rebel Moplahs have all been exterminated.
• In this case, as in a recent one of an outrage on the part of the natives, it would seem that some oppression or mismanagement had been the primary cause of the outbreak."

The above extraordinary occurrence—for most extraordinary it undoubtedly is, in all its features—carries with it a moral, in both statistical and military point of view, assuredly not undeserving of attention and comment.

First, the cause of this disturbance, attended with such tragic results, is stated to have arisen either from "oppression or mismanagement" on the part of some civil officials in the Honourable East India Company's employ. This, should the surmise be correct, undoubtedly calls for severe scrutiny and investigation, and possibly for redress, for the times of oppression are passing by, and even the passive natives of India will no longer tamely submit to be trampled upon with impunity by their imperious masters. Secondly, when we find it requisite to employ 220 regular troops to eSect—and that with considerable loss—the destruction of less than a score of ill-armed, undisciplined, but brave and desperate men, some screw would certainly appear to be loose in the machinery of our military tactics. Assuredly such strictures—more particularly as relating to India, where our power rests entirely on a moral " prestige"—are not undeserved ; and not only in India, but as concerns all our foreign possessions. As regards our greatness as the first nation of the world, the sooner such reforms, both civil and military, take place, the more will they prove of avail in sustaining that supremacy and dominion acquired by centuries of conquest, and cemented by oceans of blood!

• • " » * *

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