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Battle of Maldon
Part of the Viking invasions of England

Alfred Pearseː Battle of Maldon in 991 (Hutchinson's Story of the British Nation, 1922)
Date10 or 11 August 991[1]
Location51°42′55″N 0°42′3″E / 51.71528°N 0.70083°E / 51.71528; 0.70083
Result Viking victory
Belligerents
England Vikings
Commanders and leaders
Byrhtnoth  Olaf, possibly Olaf Tryggvason
Strength
Unknown 2,000–4,000 men
Casualties and losses
Unknown Unknown
Heavywick/sandbox is located in England
Heavywick/sandbox
Location within England

The Battle of Maldon took place on 10 or 11 August 991 AD near Maldon beside the River Blackwater in Essex, England, during the reign of Æthelred the Unready. Earl Byrhtnoth and his thegns led the English against a Viking invasion. The battle ended in an Anglo-Saxon defeat. After the battle Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury and the aldermen of the south-western provinces advised King Æthelred to buy off the Vikings rather than continue the armed struggle. The result was a payment of Danegeld of 10,000 Roman pounds (3,300 kg) of silver (approx £1.8M at 2022 prices).

An account of the battle, embellished with many speeches attributed to the warriors and with other details, is related in an Old English poem which is usually named The Battle of Maldon. A modern embroidery created for the millennium celebration in 1991 and, in part, depicting the battle, can be seen at the Maeldune Centre in Maldon.

One manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle states that a certain Olaf, possibly the Norwegian Olaf Tryggvason, led the Viking forces, these estimated to have been between 2,000 and 4,000 fighting men. A source from the 12th-century Liber Eliensis, written by the monks at Ely, suggests that Byrhtnoth had only a few men to command: "he was neither shaken by the small number of his men, nor fearful of the multitude of the enemy". Not all sources indicate such a disparity in numbers.

Background

The 980s and 990s in England were a period of increasing Viking activity during the reign of Æethelred the Unready. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records a Viking attack on Southampton in 980 – the first be recorded in many years – and further raiding to 988. Raiding escalated in 991, with the arrival of a Viking fleet led by Olaf Tryggvason, the future King of Norway. This fleet sailed Folkestone, Sandwich, and Ipswich, before coming to Maldon. There it was opposed by an English force under eorl Byrhtnoth.[2]

Maldon represented an important site, as it occupied a strategic position at the mouth of the Blackwater Estuary (then called the Panta). It had been established as a fortified burh by Edward the Elder in 912, further fortified in 916, and had been the site of a battle in 917.[3]

Location of the battle

It is clear from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles the battle occurred in or nearby to Maldon, Essex, because of its proximity to Ipswich and because Byrhtnoth was an Ealdorman of Essex.[4] The precise location has been a subject of scholarly debate.[5]

Victorian historian Edward A. Freeman argued that the battle likely took place on at Heybridge, the site of the nearest bridge to Maldon. This theory was adapted by Cyril Hart in 1992, who proposed that the Vikings left their ships anchored on Mersea Island, and proceeded overland to Heybridge via Tiptree Heath. Neither theory is widely accepted among historians as of 2026.[5]

The battlefield from the air. Earl Byrhtnoth's forces were drawn up on the shore (top); Olaf's men had to cross the causeway from Northey Island (left).
Vintage illustration by Alfred Pearse, depicting two bands of warriors clashing along a river spanned by a stone bridge.
Alfred Pearse's 1922 illustration depicted the battle as occurring at a bridge, rather than across as causeway as modern historians believe.

The current leading theory, first proposed by E. D. Laborde in 1925, suggests that the Vikings landed on Northey Island, which sits in the Blackwater estuary, two miles south-east of Maldon. The 'bridge' of the battle was this the tidal causeway that connects Northey Island to the mainland.[5] An investigation in 1973 suggested that the channel between Northey Island and the mainland would have been about 120 yards (110 metres) rather than 240 yards (220 metres) today. The causeway which crosses the channel today may not have existed in its present form in the 10th century, but there was certainly some form of crossing present.[6] This conclusion is supported by geological examination by George and Susan Petty in 1976, who find that the island's likely geology at the time of the battle is consistent with the evidence of the poem.[7]

Battle of Maldon plains

A second island in the Blackwater Estuary, Osea Island, is considered an unlikely candidate. Though it broadly fits the description of events, the causeway is, at almost a mile long, too long for the leaders to plausibly have shouted across as depicted in the poem.[8]

Opposing forces

Bryhtnoth's forces consisted of the local fyrd, a military composed of land-owning freemen, and of Bryhtnoth's 'hearth-troops', the eorl's own retainers.[9]

The Viking force is described in the 'A' chronicle of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as consisting of 93 ships. This has been read skeptically, as the same chronicle attributes the battle to the year 993; and describes the Viking fleet of 994 as consisting of 94 ships.[10] The willingness of the Viking army to join in battle with the English, despite having the ships and therefore mobility to avoid them, suggests that the Vikings did nonetheless have a significant numerical advantage over the English.[10]

Battle

Per the poem, the battle began with an exchange of demands across the causeway. Olaf addressed the Saxons, promising to sail away if he was paid with gold and armour from the lord. Byrhtnoth replied, "We will pay you with spear tips and sword blades." Battle could not immediately be joined, however, due to the tides.[11]

With the ebb of the tide, Olaf's forces began an assault across the small land bridge. The Viking advance was limited by the width of the causeway, which could be crossed just three abreast. As such, three Anglo-Saxon warriors – Wulfstan, Ælfhere and Maccus – were able to hold the causeway. Furthermore, English archers were able to shoot at the advancing Vikings, potentially inflicting significant casualties. The Vikings may have waded in the shallow waters adjacent to the causeway, in order to use the water to protect their legs from arrows.[12]

At this point, the Vikings requested that they be allowed onto the mainland; a request to which Byrhtnoth acceeded.

A modern statue of Byrhtnoth in Maldon, by John Doubleday

Battle was joined, but an Englishman called Godrīc fled riding Byrhtnoth's horse. Godrīc's brothers Godwine and Godwīg followed him. Then many English fled, recognizing the horse and thinking that its rider was Byrhtnoth fleeing. To add insult to injury, it is stated that Godric had often been given horses by Byrhtnoth, a detail that, especially during the time period, would have had Godric marked as a coward and a traitor, something that could have easily been described as worse than death. The Vikings overcame the Saxons after losing many men, killing Byrhtnoth. After the battle Byrhtnoth's body was found with its head missing, but his gold-hilted sword was still with his body.

It is believed by many scholars that the poem, while based upon actual events and people, was created to be less of a historical account and more of a means of enshrining and lifting up the memories of the men who fought and lost their lives on the battlefield protecting their homeland, especially in the case of the English commander of the battle, Byrhtnoth. He (Byrhtnoth) seems to embody many of the virtues that are uplifted in the Anglo-Saxon world, and is compared often by many scholars to the character Beowulf.

Interpretation

Byrhtnoth's decision to allow the Vikings onto the mainland has been a subject of much debate.

The poem attributes the decision to his ofermōd; the translation of which has been somewhat contentious. Although literally meaning "over-heart" or "having too much heart", it could mean either "pride" or "excess of courage" (compare the Danish overmod or German Übermut, which mean both "hubris" and "recklessness"). One argument is that the poem was written to celebrate Byrhtnoth's actions and goad others into heroic action, and Byrhtnoth's action stands proudly in a long tradition of heroic literature. Another viewpoint, most notably held by J. R. R. Tolkien, is that the poem is an elegy on a terrible loss and that the monastic author pinpoints the cause of the defeat in the commander's sin of pride, a viewpoint bolstered by the fact that ofermōd is, in every other attested instance, used to describe Satan's pride.[13]

Historian David Griffith has advanced an alternative explanation. Byrhtnoth, in his verbal exchange with the Vikings, had effectively promised to do battle. Therefore, in a society which placed great value on the oath, his honour demanded that he allow them onto the mainland. This explanation centres the guile (lytegion) of the Vikings, in knowing how to turn Byrhtnoth's words against him, and to play on his desire to avoid being shamed.[11]

Alternatively, Byrhtnoth's decision to allow the Vikings onto the mainland may have been a strategic decision. It has been argued that allowing the Vikings to cross the causeway allowed for them to be engaged by Byrhtnoth's army, when they may instead have sailed away to attack a less well-defended site.[14] The poem may, therefore, represent the work of what has been termed the "monastic party" in Ethelred's court, which advocated a military response, rather than tribute, to all Norse attacks.

Aftermath

The Vita Oswaldi, written shortly after the battle by the monk Byrhtferth of Ramsay, describes the battle as a pyrrhic victory for the Vikings.[15]

An infinite number of them and us were killed, and Byrhtnoth himself was killed, and the remainder fled. The Danes too were severely wounded; they were scarcely able to man their ships.[16]

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, however, reports that a large sum of money (£10,000) was paid to the Vikings in the aftermath of the battle.[17] This suggests that the Vikings' losses were not so great as implied by Byrhtferth.[15] Furthermore, the payment is interpreted in different ways by different manuscripts of the Chroncile. The 'A' manuscript presents the payment as a diplomatic success, seeing the Vikings hired to defend England against other raiders; the 'C' manuscript is more critical, seeing the payment as a shameful act of submission. It should be noted, however, that the 'C' manuscript was written in the 1040s, with the benefit of hindsight, while the 'A' manuscript entry was likely close to contemporary.[18]

Viking raids against England continued to intensify after the Battle of Maldon. This soon saw the introduction of the Danegeld tax to pay tribute to the Vikings, buying temporary relief from 994 to 997, when attacks resumed.[19] On 13 November 1002, Æethelred ordered that all the Danes in the kingdom be killed, leading to the St Brice's Day Massacre.[20] The period of Viking activity culminated in the deposition of Æthelred by Swein Forkbeard.[21]

Legacy

J. R. R. Tolkien wrote an translation of the poem into modern English, and also wrote a sequel, The Homecoming of Beorhtnoth Beorhthelm's Son.

Plaque at the battle-site

There is a plaque on Northey Island.

There is a statute of Byrhtnoth in Promenade Park, Maldon, created by John Doubleday and unveiled in year.

Primary sources

The poem "The Battle of Maldon"

"The Battle of Maldon" is the name conventionally given to a surviving 325-line fragment of Old English poetry. Linguistic study has led to the conjecture that initially the complete poem was transmitted orally, then in a lost manuscript in the East Saxon dialect and now survives as a fragment in the West Saxon form, possibly that of a scribe active at the Monastery of Worcester late in the 11th century.[22] It is fortuitous that this was attached at an early date to a very notable manuscript, Asser's Life of King Alfred, which undoubtedly assisted in its survival. The manuscript, by now detached, was burned in the Cotton library fire at Ashburnham House in 1731. The keeper of the collection, John Elphinstone (or his assistant, David Casley),[23] had transcribed the 325 lines of the poem in 1724, but the front and back pages were already missing from the manuscript (possibly around 50 lines each): an earlier catalogue described it as fragmentum capite et calce mutilatum ('mutilated at head and heel'). As a result, vital clues about the purpose of the poem and perhaps its date have been lost.

Other sources

The death of Byrhtnoth, an ealdorman of Essex, was recorded in four versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Its Cotton Tiberius manuscript (Version B) says for the year 991:

Her wæs Gypeswic gehergod, ⁊ æfter þæm swyðe raþe wæs Byrihtnoð ealdorman ofslagan æt Meldune. ⁊ on þam geare man gerædde þæt man geald ærest gafol Deniscum mannum for þam myclan brogan þe hi worhton be þam særiman, þæt wæs ærest .x. þusend punda. Þæne ræd gerædde ærest Syric arcebisceop.

Translation:

Here Ipswich was raided. Very soon after that, ealdorman Byrhtnoth was killed at Maldon. And on that year it was decided to pay tax to Danes for the great terror which they made by the sea coast; that first [payment] was 10,000 pounds. Archbishop Sigerīc decided first on the matter.

The Winchester (or Parker) version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Version A), has the most detailed account of the battle, but places it under the heading for the year 993. As all the other versions of the Chronicle place it in 991, this is believed to be either a transcription error, or because the battle was inserted later when its importance had become apparent. The widely accepted precise date is taken from notices for the death of Byrhtnoth in three abbey calendars; those of Ely, Winchester and Ramsey. The date in the Ely calendar is 10 August, whereas Winchester and Ramsey give 11 August. However, Byrhtnoth's close connections with Ely imply that 10 August is more likely to be the accurate date.[8]

The Life of Oswald, written in Ramsey around the same time as the battle, portrays Byrhtnoth as a great religious warrior, with references to Biblical prophetic era figures.[24]

In 1170, the Liber Eliensis retold and embroidered the story and made the battle two fights, with the second being a fortnight long against overwhelming odds. These texts show, to some degree, the growth of a local hero cultus.

See also

References

  1. ^ Foard, Glenn (10 September 2003). "Maldon Battle and Campaign" (PDF). UK Battlefields Resource Centre. The Battlefields Trust. p. 18. Retrieved 4 June 2017.
  2. ^ Higham & Ryan (2013, pp. 526–528)
  3. ^ Atherton (2020, pp. 28–31)
  4. ^ Foard, Glenn (10 September 2003). "Maldon Battle and Campaign" (PDF). UK Battlefields Resource Centre. The Battlefields Trust. p. 18. Retrieved 4 June 2017.
  5. ^ a b c Atherton (2020, pp. 12–16)
  6. ^ English Heritage Battlefield Report, pp. 2–4
  7. ^ Petty, George R., and Susan Petty. “Geology and the Battle of Maldon.” Speculum 51, no. 3 (1976): 435–46. https://doi.org/10.2307/2851706.
  8. ^ a b "English Heritage Battlefield Report: Maldon 991" (PDF). historicengland.org.uk. English Heritage. 1995. p. 5. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 September 2017. Retrieved 4 June 2017.
  9. ^ Atherton (2020, pp. 63–69)
  10. ^ a b Scragg (2013, p. 46)
  11. ^ a b Griffith, Mark (June 2016). "The Battle of Maldon : the Guile of the Vikings explained". Notes & Queries. 63 (2): 180–186.
  12. ^ Altman, Chris (2007). "Making Use of the Terrain: Byrhtnoð's Strategy in "The Battle of Maldon"". ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews. 20 (1): 3–8.
  13. ^ Tolkien's Heroic Criticism: A Developing Application Of Anglo-Saxon Ofermod To The Monsters Of Modernity Archived 13 November 2010 at the Wayback Machine. 2003. Rorabeck, Robert. Thesis, Florida State University.
  14. ^ Scragg (2013, p. 86)
  15. ^ a b Scragg (2013, pp. 71–73)
  16. ^ Translation provided in Scragg (2013, p. 72)
  17. ^ Higham & Ryan (2013, p. 528)
  18. ^ Atherton (2020, pp. 158–168)
  19. ^ Higham & Ryan (2013, pp. 528–530)
  20. ^ Higham & Ryan (2013, pp. 532–533)
  21. ^ Higham & Ryan (2013, pp. 537–538)
  22. ^ E. V.Gordon, The Battle of Maldon (London, 1968) p. 38
  23. ^ Fulk, Robert; Cain, Christopher (2003). A history of Old English literature. Oxford: Blackwell. p. 220. ISBN 978-0-6312-2397-9.
  24. ^ "Life of Saint Oswald – Information from The UK Battlefields Resource Centre". www.battlefieldstrust.com. The Battlefields Trust. Retrieved 4 June 2017.

Bibliography

  • Gordon, E.V. (1968). The Battle of Maldon. London.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  • S. A. J. Bradley, ed. (1982). Anglo-Saxon poetry: an anthology of Old English poems. London: Dent.
  • Santoro, Verio (2012). La ricezione moderna della Battaglia di Maldon: Tolkien, Borges e gli altri. Roma: Aracne.
  • Higham, Nicholas J.; Ryan, Martin J. (2013). The Anglo-Saxon World. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300125344.
  • Scragg, Donald (2013). The Return of the Vikings: The Battle of Maldon 991 (Ebook, 2013 ed.). Stroud: The History Press. ISBN 978-0752496405.
  • Atherton, Mark (2020). The Battle of Maldon: War and Peace in Tenth-Century England. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1350167483.

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