During the Interwar period, all three parties were continuously in government. After the war, the KVP had grown apart from CHU and in particular the ARP and would not govern with them until 1952 and 1958 respectively, instead governing with the Labour Party (PvdA) in Roman/Red cabinets.[14] At the same time, the parties started working together on the European level, with CHU and ARP joining KVP in the Nouvelles Equipes Internationale in 1953.[15][16] As a result of secularisation and depillarisation, the three parties lost their majority[a] in the 1959 general election for the first time since 1918.[17]
Merger talks
Influenced by the Second Vatican Council, the KVP had written the report Grondslag en karakter van de KVP ("Foundation and character of the KVP") and adopted its conclusions, which called for Christian democratic cooperation, in December 1966.[18] The Night of Schmelzer in October 1966 exposed divisions between and within the three parties and led to disappointing elections for all three parties.[19] As a result, the three parties agreed to an initiative by the ARP to form the Group of Eighteen in April 1967, consisting of six prominent politicians per party, which was tasked with finding a common foundation for Christian politics and if they did, with finding the best way forward.[20]
Meanwhile Christian-radical members of the three parties came to regret their vote in the 1967 general election, as they preferred cooperation with progressive parties instead of the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) in the De Jong cabinet.[21] To prevent this group from frustrating the cooperation, the party leaders of the three parties announced on 14 February 1968 that for the next election they would either unite in one Christian party or would only join the cabinet together.[22] This led to a group of KVP radicals leaving the party the same month to found the Political Party of Radicals (PPR).[23] Two years later, a group of ARP radicals would leave their party to form the Evangelical Progressive Party (EPV).[24]
In 1969, the Group of Eighteen recommended writing a common "urgency programme",[25] which the parties finalised shortly before the 1971 general election in which they again lost seats.[26] As a follow-up to the Group of Eighteen, the Contact Council was created in 1972 to further elaborate the cooperation.[27] Led by KVP Senator Piet Steenkamp, it produced a memorandum in June 1972, recommending a single candidate list for the next election and the creation of a Christian democratic movement of which members of the three parties would be member as well as direct members.[28]
A month later however, the first Biesheuvel cabinet fell, leaving too little time to prepare a single list and leading to another electoral loss in the 1972 general election.[29] As part of its polarisation strategy, the PvdA was able to get a few KVP and ARP politicians to join its progressive Den Uyl cabinet during the 1972–1973 cabinet formation. This forced their parliamentary groups to provide confidence and supply, while CHU went in opposition.[30][31] This hindered the merger process, as CHU would make a joint list conditional on the 'actual parliamentary political situation' (the so called 'political mortgage').[32]
Federation
ARP leader Willem Aantjes held a speech during the first CDA convention in 1975 in which he argued for the importance of the evangelical guidelines in the party. The speech became known as his sermon on the mount.[33]
Nevertheless, based on the memorandum, the Christian Democratic Appeal was officially formed as a pre-federation in 1973,[34] with Steenkamp as its chairperson. It would employ a "growth model", in which they would work out political and organizational details, while keeping the original parties until the last moment.[35] Meanwhile discussions continued on the role of the Bible in the party[36] and the political course. When the pre-federation was turned into a federation in 1975, some conservative members of the CHU and ARP left to form the Reformatory Political Federation (RPF).[37]
Van Agt cabinets, 1977–1982
The CDA's founder and inaugural chairman Piet Steenkamp (left) and inaugural party leader and Prime Minister Dries van Agt (right) in 1977
In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single candidate list at the 1977 general election, after their parliamentary groups had intensified cooperation.[38] KVP minister of JusticeDries van Agt was the lead candidate. The election manifesto was titled "Not by bread alone" (Dutch: Niet bij brood alleen) and was progressive.[39] The list was able to get one seat more than the three parties together five years earlier. Based on the results, a cabinet of PvdA, CDA and Democrats 66 (D66) was most likely and was discussed at the start of the 1977 cabinet formation. After seven months, the negotiations finally collapsed, after it had been suspended multiple times. Soon after, Van Agt was able to form the first Van Agt cabinet with the conservative liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). Some progressive MPs nicknamed the loyalists, which included parliamentary leader Willem Aantjes, did not commit to support the cabinet, but only tolerated it.
The federation was founding member of the European People's Party on 8 July 1978.[40] For the 1979 European Parliament election, they had first selected Wim Vergeer (KVP), but after Ruud Lubbers (KVP) had replaced Aantjes as parliamentary leader, Bouke Beumer (ARP) was selected. CDA won ten out of 25 seats and was the largest Dutch delegation to distribute the leadership between the parties.[41]
On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. The differences between the groups would continue to exist for a long time within the party.[42] It led to another group of members leaving the party and joining with the EPV to found the Evangelical People's Party (EVP).[24]
The first Van Agt cabinet was able to complete its term. Van Agt was reelected as lead candidate, although around 20% - mostly youth and antirevolutionaries - had voted for parliamentary leader Ruud Lubbers who himself had endorsed Van Agt.[43] Its election manifesto was titled "For a meaningful existence" (Dutch: Om een zinvol bestaan) and compared to the previous manifesto shifted responsibility from the government to society.[39] CDA became the largest party in the 1981 general election, despite losing a seat. Because CDA and VVD had lost their majority, the second Van Agt cabinet with PvdA and D66 was formed in the 1981 cabinet formation. Bad relations between PvdA and CDA led to crises from the start, and the cabinet fell within a year.[43] Van Agt led the rump cabinetcabinet Van Agt with D66 to prepare the next election.
Lubbers cabinets, 1982–1994
Ruud Lubbers, party leader and Prime Minister from 1982 until 1994.
Van Agt was again lead candidate for the general election and its manifesto was the same as the previous year with an attachment.[39] CDA lost three seats and ended second after PvdA. After the elections, Van Agt announced that he would leave politics and was succeeded as party leader by Lubbers. During the September–November 1982 cabinet formation, Lubbers would form the first Lubbers cabinet with the VVD. To combat the economic crisis, the cabinet implemented budget cuts, limited the welfare state and privatised state-owned companies.[44] A major achievement was the Wassenaar Agreement in 1982, in which trade unions agreed to wage moderation in exchange for reduction of working hours by employers' organisations. This would be the start of the polder model, a concept in line with CDA's principle of shared responsibility.[45]
The 1986 general election took place when the economy was improving,[46] but the manifesto nevertheless focused on reducing the welfare state and shifting the responsibility to society.[44] Given Lubber's popularity for his "no-nonsense approach", the slogan was "Let Lubbers finish his job" (Dutch: Laat Lubbers zijn afmaken). CDA won 54 seats, the highest a single party had ever won, mostly at the expense of the VVD.[46] After the 1986 cabinet formation, the second Lubbers cabinet continuing with VVD as coalition partner. VVD felt like being in the supporting role, and finally brought down the cabinet in 1989 over the travel expenses allowance.[46]
The manifesto for the 1989 general election built upon the previous with the addition of environmental management among the priorities.[44] The CDA kept its 54 seats and after the 1989 cabinet formation the third Lubbers cabinet was formed with the PvdA. A notable reform in line with the CDA principle of shared responsibility, was the privatization of the housing associations by CDA State Secretary for Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment Enneüs Heerma, with which he started in 1989 and was finished in 1994.[47]
Opposition to Purple, 1994–2002
In the run-up to the 1994 general election, Lubbers announced he would retire from Dutch politics and had named Elco Brinkman his successor. During the campaign, Lubbers appeared to distance himself from Brinkman. Furthermore, the pension reforms they had included in their manifesto proved unpopular. CDA lost 20 of its 54 seats.[46] The 1994 cabinet formation led to the first purple coalition, the first time since 1918 that CDA or its predecessors were not part of a cabinet. Enneüs Heerma succeeded Brinkman as parliamentary leader attempted to be the voice of the opposition and bring the topic of family on the political agenda, but failed in both.[48]
Jaap de Hoop Scheffer was selected as lead candidate for the 1998 general election.[48] The election manifesto "You don't live together alone" (Dutch: Samenleven doe je niet alleen) differed from previous ones, focusing on communitarianism in contrast to the individualism of the purple coalition.[49] However, De Hoop Scheffers was relatively unknown compared to his opponents, and the CDA, as a centrist party, struggled to simultaneously target both the left-wing PvdA and the right-wing VVD. It led to another loss of five seats and a continuation of the cabinet without CDA.[48]
Balkenende cabinets, 2002–2010
Jan Peter Balkenende, party leader from 2001 until 2010 and Prime Minister from 2002 until 2010.
In the run-up to the 2002 general election, a leadership crisis erupted between party leader De Hoop Scheffer and party chair Marnix van Rij, after which they both left.[50] De Hoop Scheffer was succeeded as lead candidate by Jan Peter Balkenende. The campaign was dominated by the right-wing politician Pim Fortuyn and Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) with his critique of the purple cabinets. Fortuyn and Balkenende had agreed not to attack each other during the campaign. Near the end of the campaign, Fortuyn was assassinated, which led to civil unrest. In the election, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring some stability and because it had not attacked Fortuyn like the other parties.[51] CDA became the largest party with 43 seats, followed by LPF with 26 seats. In the 2002 cabinet formation, the first Balkenende cabinet was formed with CDA, VVD and LPF. The cabinet would fall after only three months due to struggles within the LPF.[52]
After the 2003 general election, the Christian Democrats were forced to begin cabinet negotiations with the PvdA. Personal animosity between Balkenende and the leader of the PvdA, Wouter Bos, frustrated these negotiations. Balkenende eventually formed a coalition with the VVD and D66. The coalition proposed an ambitious program of reforms, including more restrictive immigration laws, democratisation of political institutions and reforms of the system of social security and labour laws.
After the 2006 general election the CDA changed their course radically: they formed a new fourth cabinet Balkenende still led by Balkenende, but now with the PvdA and the Christian Union (CU). The cabinet was more progressive, entailing increased government spending.
In the 2010 general election, the CDA lost half of its seats. Balkenende announced his resignation as party leader and was replaced by Maxime Verhagen. At first, Verhagen was aiming for opposition during the 2010 cabinet formation. However, after talks between purple plus collapsed, CDA entered negotiations with VVD and Party for Freedom (PVV), the latter would be providing confidence and supply. Within the party, some opposed a coalition with the radical right PVV. Verhagen's co-negotiator Ab Klink resigned over the negotiations and two other MPs threatened to oppose the coalition, which would make it lose its majority. A special party convention [nl] was held to approve the result of the negotiations, which 68% of the record 4,700 members did.[53] On 14 October, the first Rutte cabinet was sworn in with Verhagen as Deputy Prime Minister.
Buma resigned in May 2019 and was succeeded temporarily by Pieter Heerma as parliamentary leader. A leadership election did not take place until July 2020. The chaotic election was narrowly won by Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Health, Welfare and SportHugo de Jonge, with MP Pieter Omtzigt as runner-up. De Jonge withdrew as lead candidate in December, because he could not combine it with his duties as minister during the COVID-19 pandemic. In his place, the party board appointed Minister of Finance Wopke Hoekstra. The party lost four seats in the March 2021 election.[56] After the longest ever cabinet formation the party continued in fourth Rutte cabinet, which had the same composition as the previous. During the formation, Omtzigt had left the party, alleging he had been treated unfairly in the party, and later started the party New Social Contract (NSC). During the cabinet period, the party struggled with its position in the nitrogen crisis and the farmers' protests that followed. The party faced electoral competition from the new political party Farmer–Citizen Movement (BBB) on this issue.
The CDA is a centre[58] to centre-right[59][60][61]Christian democratic party. It started relatively progressive compared to other European Christian democratic parties or secular conservative parties, but followed the general trend in Dutch politics in becoming more conservative and centre-right.[62] It has become more communitarianist, in particular under Balkenende's leadership, who was inspired by sociologist Amitai Etzioni.[63] The party had long been reluctant to call itself social conservative,[62] but it has been embraced by Bontenbal in 2023.[9]
The party has four main ideals: stewardship, solidarity, shared responsibility and public justice. Shared responsibility refers to the way society should be organised: not one organisation should control all society, instead the state, the market, and social institutions, like churches and unions should work together. This is called sphere sovereignty, a core concept of neo-Calvinist political philosophy. Furthermore, this refers to the way the state should be organised. Not one level of the state should have total control; instead, responsibility should be shared between local, provincial, national and European governments. This is called subsidiarity in Catholic political thought. With stewardship the Christian Democrats refer to the way the planet ought to be treated: the Earth is a gift from God. Therefore, we should try to preserve our environment.[64]
CDA has always held a middle position in the debate on abortion in the Netherlands, advocating for "no unless". CDA supports the right to abortion when the life of the woman is in danger. It has accepted since its creation that a majority in the Netherlands was in favor of abortion beyond that, arguing that their own ethical values should not be codified in law. CDA is however in favor of some limitations, including abortion being in the Criminal Code and a reflection period of five days.[65] A majority of its representatives voted for the compromise abortion law in 1981,[65] while a majority voted against the removal of the reflection period in 2021.[66]
Family
CDA nowadays supports same-sex marriage in the Netherlands, although I didn't do so early on. From the start CDA opposed same-sex marriage, but supported the registration of other forms of cohabitation. This was more explicitly mentioned in election manifestos after its think thank published its report 1+1=together in 1986.[67] In 1997, CDA voted against a law that would allow civil union for same-sex relationships., because it would also be open to opposite-sex relationships. In 2000, CDA - except for Joop Wijn, who would become the first Dutch openly gay minister - voted against a law allowing same-sex marriage. Since then, CDA became more supportive of same-sex marriage, voting in favor of a law giving married lesbians the same parenting rights as opposite-sex parents.[68]
International affairs
Europe
Based on the Chapel Hill expert survey (2014), CDA can be qualified as "Eurorealist",[69] while it had been more pro-European in the past. In its principles program in 1980, the CDA strived for a "united Europe" and in 1979 they had endorsed the EPP election manifesto which called for a federal Europe.[70] In the early 2000s CDA started emphasizing the national identity, writing in its 2004 election manifesto it wanted "to ensure that we do not lose our own Dutch identity in the larger Europe".[71] A turning point was the 2005 referendum on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, which was voted down. CDA had officially endorsed the Treaty, but Balkenende was largely absent during the campaign.[72] The focus shifted to the national interest in Europe. Around the same that the EPP started to distance itself from a federal Europe in its new principles program, CDA wrote in its manifesto for the 2014 European Parliament election the party "is and remains against a federal Europe". It turned against enlargement of the European Union, which it had supported in the previous decade.[73]
Election results
House of Representatives
Seats in the House of Representatives of the CDA and its predecessors since 1956, based on the election results.
The core electorate of the CDA are church members, both Catholics and Protestants. Part of the electoral decline can be attributed to secularisation (9-10 seats in the period 1970-2010), while church members increasingly have been voting for other (mostly non-religious) parties (10-14 seats in the period 1970-2010). Non church members at times also vote for CDA, with a record during the 2002 general election.[74]
Voter surveys held after the March 2021 general election and the March 2023 provincial elections showed that the average CDA voter's self-placement on a left-right axis was slightly to the right of the average voter. They were slightly less supportive of euthanasia and climate policy. CDA voters were more opposed to immigration than the average voter in 2021, but this difference had disappeared by 2023. 2023 CDA voters also had more trust in political parties than the average voter. The average CDA voter was older than the average voter, at 63 in 2021 (compared to 55 among all voters) and 61 in 2023 (compared to 56 among all voters). Around 60% of CDA voters described themselves as religious, a proportion twice as high as the proportion among all voters. Around 60 to 70% of CDA voters lived in rural areas, compared to roughly half of all voters. CDA voters felt considerably more connected to other people than voters of other parties and, in 2023, were slightly happier about their life.[76]
Organisation
Linked organisations
The youth movement of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). The CDA publishes a monthly magazine, and its scientific bureau publishes the Christian Democratic Explorations (Dutch: Christen-Democratische Verkenningen).
As an effect of pillarisation, the CDA still has many personal and ideological ties with religious organisations, such as the broadcasting societies KRO and NCRV, the newspaper Trouw, the employers organisations NCW and the union CNV.
The CDA is a founding member of the European People's Party (EPP) and its parliamentary group in the European Parliament in 1976. For the establishment, CDA focused on the Christian democratic character it believed the party should have. This was explicit in its programme, but CDA believed it should also be visible in the name and membership of the party. In contrast, the more secular and antisocialist Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) wanted to include conservative parties, to become the largest group and form a front against socialism. As a compromise, the term "Christian democratic" would be included in the subtitle and non-Christian democratic parties would not be allowed to join. CDA would for a long time oppose the membership of the Conservative Party (UK), Forza Italia and the return of the Austrian People's Party.[77] In 2019, called for the expulsion of the Hungarian Fidesz party, because of the rule of law and press freedom under its rule, which finally led Fidesz to leave in 2021.[78] The Dutch parties New Social Contract (NSC) and the Farmer–Citizen Movement (BBB) are since 2024 also member of the EPP parliamentary group, but not of the party.[79]
^Kees Van Kerbergen; André Krouwel (2013). "A double-edged sword! The Dutch centre-right and the 'foreigners issue'". In Tim Bale (ed.). Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe: Why Politics – and the Centre-Right – Matter. Routledge. pp. 91–92. ISBN978-1-317-96827-6.
^Wijbrandt H. Van Schuur; Gerrit Voerman (2010). "Democracy in Retreat? Decline in political party membership: the case of the Netherlands". In Barbara Wejnert (ed.). Democratic Paths and Trends. Emerald Group Publishing. p. 28. ISBN978-0-85724-091-0.
^Nordsieck, Wolfram (2021). "Netherlands". Parties and Elections in Europe. Retrieved 21 March 2021.
^Paul Lucardie; Hans-Martien Tennapel (1996). "Between Confessionalism and Liberal-Conservatism: the Christian Democratic Parties of Belgium and the Netherlands". In David Hanley (ed.). Christian Democracy in Europe. A&C Black. p. 64. ISBN978-1-85567-382-3.
^Voerman 2010, pp. 109–110. sfn error: no target: CITEREFVoerman2010 (help)
^Syuzanna Vasilyan (2009). "The integration crisis in the Netherlands: the causes and the new policy measures". In Ditta Dolejšiová; Miguel Angel García López (eds.). European Citizenship in the Process of Construction: Challenges for Citizenship, Citizenship Education and Democratic Practice in Europe. Council of Europe. p. 73. ISBN978-92-871-6478-0.
^Hans Vollaard; Gerrit Voerman; Nelleke van de Walle (2015). "The Netherlands". In Donatella M. Viola (ed.). Routledge Handbook of European Elections. Routledge. p. 171. ISBN978-1-317-50363-7.
^Kees Van Kerbergen; André Krouwel (2013). "A double-edged sword! The Dutch centre-right and the 'foreigners issue'". In Tim Bale (ed.). Immigration and Integration Policy in Europe: Why Politics – and the Centre-Right – Matter. Routledge. pp. 91–92. ISBN978-1-317-96827-6.
^ abVoerman 2010, pp. 109–130. sfn error: no target: CITEREFVoerman2010 (help)
^Voerman 2010, pp. 111–112. sfn error: no target: CITEREFVoerman2010 (help)
Gradus, Raymond; Harinck, George; Hoentjen, Karin; Van Kessel, Alexander; ten Napel, Hans-Martien (2012). Canon van de Christendemocratie(PDF) (in Dutch). Wetenschappelijk Instituut voor het CDA. ISBN9789074493796.
Lucardie, Paul (2004). Van Hecke, Steven; Gerard, Emmanuel (eds.). Paradise Lost, Paradise Regained? Christian Democracy in the Netherlands. Christian Democratic Parties in Europe Since the End of the Cold War. Leuven University Press. pp. 159–177. ISBN90-5867-377-4.
Bosmans, Jac (2004). Michael Gehler; Wolfram Kaiser (eds.). The Primacy of Domestic Politics: Christian Democracy in the Netherlands. Christian Democracy in Europe since 1945. Routledge. pp. 47–58. ISBN0-7146-5662-3.
Kroeger, Pieter Gerrit (2020). Tand des tijds (in Dutch). Prometheus. ISBN9789044633665.
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